Posts Tagged ‘Medicine’

Midwives and Medical Texts: Women’s Healing Practices in the Crown of Aragón, 1300-1600

Midwives and Medical Texts: Women’s Healing Practices in the Crown of Aragón, 1300-1600

By Alice Conner Harman

Bachelor of Arts Thesis, The College of William and Mary, 2009

Introduction: In the winter of 1374, Guillemona de Togores suffered from a recurring illness that sapped her strength and took away her appetite. A lady in waiting at the court of the Catalan-Aragonese queen in Barcelona when she became ill, Guillemona moved into the house of her friend Sereneta de Tous to recuperate. Although she wished to remain at court, her friends convinced her she should take up residence in a private home to recover properly. Although the Queen paid for multiple physicians to examine Gillemona, her friend Sereneta’s care and her ordinary household were judged to be better suited to her recovery. Sereneta was especially helpful in convincing Guillemona to eat pears, securing a favorite food of Guillemona’s when she was particularly afflicted with a loss of appetite. Food was one of the “non-naturals” that were regulated using humoral theory to control and heal the body.1 After her recovery, Guillemona sent a letter to Sereneta’s husband to assure him she was healthy and to thank him and his wife. “She [Sereneta] has done for me as much as if I had been her mother,” she wrote .

Guillemona’s story illustrates the difficulty of assessing women’s medical practice in the Crown of Aragón in the late medieval and early modern periods. Although physicians– official male healers– are called to treat her illness, she is also assisted by a friend who is never labeled a healer. When Guillemona wants to describe the care her friend has given her, she does not say that Sereneta was an excellent nurse but rather calls her a daughter. The healing that Sereneta offers Guillemona is not discussed in what we would consider healing terms today, nor is Sereneta ever explicitly called a healer. The relationship between Sereneta and Guillemona is described instead as being what a daughter would naturally do for her mother, even though the two are unrelated.

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25 Aug 2010
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“Like a virgin”: Absence of rheumatoid arthritis and treponematosis, good sanitation and only rare gout in Italy prior to the 15th century

“Like a virgin”: Absence of rheumatoid arthritis and treponematosis, good sanitation and only rare gout in Italy prior to the 15th century

By BM Rothschild, A Coppa and PP Petrone

Reumatismo, Vol.56:1 (2004)

Abstract:

OBJECTIVES: This study was conducted to test several hypotheses: 1. That rheumatoid arthritis and syphilis were New World diseases, only transmitted to the Old World subsequent to the passages of Christopher Columbus; 2. To indirectly test the hypothesis that lead poisoning was prevalent in Roman Italy by looking for its byproduct, gout; 3. To test the hypothesis of compromised sanitation in ancient Italy, on the basis of spondyloarthropathy frequency; and 4. To assess variation of trauma frequencies in ancient Italy, by examining frequency of focal periosteal reaction.

METHODS: Skeletons from sites ranging from the Bronze Age to the Black Plague epidemic of 1485-1486 were macroscopically evaluated for focal periosteal reaction and for the cardinal signs of rheumatoid arthritis, treponemal disease, gout and spondyloarthropathy.

RESULTS: Examination of 688 individuals revealed low frequency of focally distributed periosteal reaction (bumps) in sites dated from the 3400-700 years before present, sharply increasing in the 15th century. Diffuse periosteal reaction was present only as isolated occurrences secondary to hypertrophic osteoarthropathy and sabre shin reaction was notably absent. Erosive disease was uncommon and always oligoarticular in distribution. No marginal erosions were present, with the exception of an isolated metatarsal with classic overhanging edge sign of gout. Subchondral erosions, peripheral joint fusion and axial skeletal involvement identified spondyloarthropathy frequencies of 1-3%, independent of the antiquity of the site.

CONCLUSIONS: Italy, prior to Columbus was like a virgin. Rheumatoid arthritis and treponemal disease (specifically syphilis) were not present, further supporting the contention that they are New World-derived diseases. Periosteal signs of minor trauma were rare prior to fifteenth century plague times. This suggests a potential role of domestic (as opposed to outside environment activities) in is development. The hypothesis for a role of lead poisoning in the demise of the Roman Empire is falsified by the rarity of gout. The frequency of spondyloarthropathy was significantly below that found in sanitarily challenged populations, suggesting high standards of hygiene in ancient Italy.

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23 Aug 2010
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Ibn Sina and the clinical trial

Ibn Sina and the clinical trial

By Mohammad M. Sajadi, Davood Mansouri, and Mohamad-Reza M. Sajadi

Annals of Internal Medicine, Vol. 150 no. 9 (2009)

Abstract: Approximately 1000 years ago, a physician by the name of Ibn Sina, known in the West as “Avicenna,” wrote seven conditions for “The recognition of the strengths of the characteristics of medicines through experimentation.” Ibn Sina proposed applying logic to the testing of drugs, and in doing so, he wrote the earliest known treatise related to clinical trials. This article presents an overview and the historical context of Ibn Sina’s life and work. In addition, the authors provide a translation of his treatise on drug testing and discuss its similarity to modern concepts of pharmacology and clinical trials.

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23 Aug 2010
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Diseases and causes of death among the Popes

Diseases and causes of death among the Popes

By Francois Retief and Louise P. Cilliers

Acta Theologica, Vol.26:2 (2006)

Abstract: The causes of death of popes are reviewed in the light of existing knowledge, and analysed in terms of four periods: First Period (64-604) Early Middle Ages (604-1054), Late Middle Ages and Renaissance (1054-1492), and Post-Renaissance (1492-2000). Among those who died of natural causes, multi-disease pathology was commonly present as is to be expected in an older population group, and acute terminal febrile illnesses, malaria, stroke, severe heart disease, gout or poly-arthritis, terminal kidney disease, gallstones, cancer, dysentery, the plague, lung infection, gangrene of a leg, abscesses, depression or debilitating psychiatric illness. Unnatural causes comprise inter alia assassination, death in prison or in exile, casualties of war or public violence, poisoning and stoning during street violence. This study covers the time period up to the year 2005.

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17 Aug 2010
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The epidemic of Justinian (AD 542): a prelude to the Middle Ages

The epidemic of Justinian (AD 542): a prelude to the Middle Ages

By Francois Retief and Louise P. Cilliers

Acta Theologica, Vol.26:2 (2006)

Abstract: The epidemic that struck Constantinople and the surrounding countries during the reign of Justinian in the middle of the 6th century, was the first documented pandemic in history. It marked the beginning of plague as a nosological problem that would afflict the world until the 21st century. The symptoms of the disease, as described by various contemporary writers (especially the historian and confidant of the emperor, Procopius, and the two church historians, John of Ephesus and Euagrius), are discussed.

There is little doubt that the disease was the plague. The most common form in which it manifested was bubonic plague, which is spread by infected fleas and is not directly contagious from patient to patient. There is also evidence of septicaemic plague and possibly even pneumonic plague. The disastrous effects of the plague were described vividly by contemporary writers. A major problem was to find ways to dispose of infected corpses. It is estimated that about one third of the population died — a figure comparable to the death rate during the Black Death in the Middle Ages. Famine and inflation, the depopulation of the countryside, and a critical manpower shortage in the army were further effects which all contributed to bringing to a premature end Justinian’s attempt to restore the grandeur of the Roman empire, and precipitating the advent of the Middle Ages.

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15 Aug 2010
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Study: Charlemagne was very tall, but not robust

According to a recently published study, the Carolingian Emperor Charlemagne (ca. 747–814) was taller than most of his subjects, but not overweight. The findings were reported in the July 2010 issue of Economics & Human Biology.

A trio of scholars from Switzerland, Germany and Australia were allowed special access to the left tibia of Charlemagne, whose remains are kept in the Aachen Cathedral. Using x-rays and CT Scans, they found that the bone was about 17 inches long. According to various estimating methods, this meant that Charlemagne’s height was somewhere between 1.79 and 1.92 meters tall (between 5′ 10″ and 6′ 4″). According to other research, a typical male in the Carolingian period stood about 1.69 meters (5′ 6″).

Meanwhile, the researchers also discovered the leg bone was not robust, and estimate that Charlemagne weighed 78 kilograms (172 pounds). They conclude, “it is evident that the physical appearance of Charlemagne was highly notable for the Middle Ages and thus it may have contributed to his socio-political achievements, since tall stature is – even nowadays – well correlated with decreased mortality and morbidity and increased individual socio-economic success.”

The only contemporary description of Charlemagne comes his friend and courtier Einhard, who states he “was large and strong, and of lofty stature, though not disproportionately tall (his height is well known to have been seven times the length of his foot); the upper part of his head was round, his eyes very large and animated, nose a little long, hair fair, and face laughing and merry. Thus his appearance was always stately and dignified, whether he was standing or sitting; although his neck was thick and somewhat short, and his belly rather prominent; but the symmetry of the rest of his body concealed these defects. His gait was firm, his whole carriage manly, and his voice clear, but not so strong as his size led one to expect.”

The article, “Charlemagne was very tall, but not robust,” by Frank J. Rühlia, Bernhard Blümich and Maciej Henneberg, appears in Economics & Human Biology, Volume 8, Issue 2, July 2010.

Source: Economics & Human Biology

6 Aug 2010
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The Little Ice Age and Health: Europe from the Early Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century

The Little Ice Age and Health: Europe from the Early Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century

By Richard H. Steckel

Published Online (2010)

Abstract: In recent years economic historians have analyzed data from skeletal remains for insights into long term trends in health. A large project underway in Europe has collected information on stature (from femur length), infections, degenerative joint disease, dental disease, iron/vitamin deficiencies, trauma, and specific diseases such as TB, rickets, and leprosy.

Earlier literature reveals a long-term U-shaped pattern in stature from the early Middle Ages to the nineteenth century. Northern Europeans were remarkably tall during the early Middle Ages, at the height of the Medieval warm period, and did not regain this stature until the turn of the twentieth century, after the little ice age subsided. The minimum occurred near the middle of the seventeenth century, during the coldest period.

This paper analyzes the consequences of climate change on seven measures of health gathered from the remains of 17,250 individuals who lived in Europe at 100 localities from 200 to 1900 A.D, finding that cool temperatures and temperature variability were bad for health. Impacts on the production and distribution of food and lags in making adaptive investments are plausible mechanisms.

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21 Jul 2010
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Poison, Medicine, and the Medieval Apothecary

Poison, Medicine, and the Medieval Apothecary

Session: Poison and Medicine in the Fourteenth Century

By Marie A. Kelleher, California State Univ.–Long Beach

This paper explored the role of the medieval apothecary as a semi-medical agent and merchant. It also examined how apothecaries were viewed by the authorities and the rules developed surrounding their profession. Was the apothecary a merchant or medical practitioner?

The 14th century was the “golden age” of poison and concern over being poisoned….

In 1374, a merchant purchases white vinegar from a friend (Perra Terassa) and asks for arsenic to ‘take care of a rat problem’. Arnau really wished to use it to murder his wife, Antonia as he suspected his wife had tried to poison him at an earlier date.

Was the apothecary a merchant or medical man? The profession was ambiguous at best; dual names like ’spice seller’ and ‘apothecary’ were mingled due to the cross over of spices and drugs being sold in the same place; i.e., arsenic could be used to cure as well as to kill. There were two types of drugs sold in apothecaries, ’simples’, which consisted of one ingredient, and ‘compounds’, mixtures of ingredients. Was the apothecary a simple shopkeeper or a medical professional? The apothecary trade may have been between professionals.

In Barcelona during the 1370’s there were no formal guilds but spice sellers (a.k.a apothecaries) congregated in a certain area, i.e., all the shops were located close together. This indicated a professional self-identity, but what was that identity? Donations could also be tied to identity, as donations were often made to the same churches and monasteries. Groups often patronized a certain religious centre demonstrating their identification as a community.

In Barcelona, apothecaries identified themselves as sellers of rare goods and only later as medical professionals. They were the targets of special legislation in 1372 and 1373; no spice seller or shop keeper, or his wife, or shop assistants could sell arsenic to anyone other than a medical professional. Perra Terassa must have known this and thus explaining  his attempt to recover the arsenic from Arsenau; the fine was very steep, 500 sous. The regulations were aimed at shopkeepers who viewed themselves solely as merchants who kept dangerous spices which was a great source of anxiety due to the unintentional or careless actions by apothecaries. The perceived necessity of these controls showed awareness and axiety of the fuzzy line of these semi-medical men who sold dangerous goods as well as spices and perfumes. They were perceived as lacking professional medical training. Foreign spice sellers had to prove they were plying their trade for at least 10 years before being given license to practice in Barcelona.

14 Jun 2010
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Poison and Medicine in the Western World before the Appearance of the Treatises about Poisons (End of the Thirteenth Century)

Poison and Medicine in the Western World before the Appearance of the Treatises about Poisons (End of the Thirteenth Century)

Session:Defining Poison ca. 1300–1600

By Franck Collard, University de Paris X–Nanterre

This paper discusses medical authors and their contributions to poison treatises during the 13th and 14th century.

Western medical literature neglected the topic of poison prior to the 12th century. Gilbertus Anglicus, a well known medieval physician wrote a treatise in 1225, Compendium Medicinae, where only 3% of the text dealt with poison, and was lodged at the very end of the book. Gilbertus discussed the different types of venom and was very careful in his writing so as not to give other ‘evil ideas’.

William of Saliceto, a famous medieval surgeon and cleric, wote Summa Practica between 1268 – 1275 about illness and poison, but poison only comprised 5% of the text. Bernard of Gordon, professor of medicine at Montpellier, wrote a treatise where only 2% of it dealt with poison, and these were mainly on venomous bites and stings.

Western medical authors do not say clearly where they obtained their information and often their references were poor. Some mention Avicenna, Galen and Albertus Magnus. Some works dealt with poisoning by animals, venomous bites, and ways to avoid these situations. Other texts dealt with rabid animal bites, snakes, and bees. These texts did not play a major role in later documents about poison but were viewed as a first step in this topic.

10 Jun 2010
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Talon cusp in a deciduous upper incisor from a medieval Portuguese child

Talon cusp in a deciduous upper incisor from a medieval Portuguese child

By ANA MARIA SILVA and ANA CRISTINA SUBTIL

Anthropological Science, Vol. 117:1 (2009)

Abstract: Talon cusp is a rare developmental anomaly in deciduous and permanent dentition. This paper reports a case of talon cusp affecting the deciduous maxillary left incisor from a Portuguese child who died more than 680 years ago. Metric analysis suggests that the affected tooth is a double tooth. The possible co-existence of these two anomalies in the deciduous dentition, although clinically rare, represents the second archaeological case reported.

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5 Jun 2010
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