Posts Tagged ‘Medicine’

THE CHANGING POSITION OF THE SERVING BROTHERS AND THEIR CARITATIVE FUNCTIONS IN THE ORDER OF ST JOHN IN JERUSALEM AND ACRE, ca 1070-1291

By David George Duchesne

PhD Dissertation, University of Sydney, 2008

Abstract: Study of the serving brothers of the Order of St John and of the way in which the original idealism of their hostel in Jerusalem was altered by forces of change has been neglected. The ultimate result of these forces was to change the main ideology of the brotherhood into an organisation which was dominated by knights and their desire to defend the Catholic Faith and the Crusader states. The importance of the original brothers and their position within the growth of the Order of St John changed. They became second class citizens in their own Order and this has been largely overlooked.

In order to appreciate how this development took place it is necessary to trace the changing circumstances of the serving brothers within the various stages of the history of the Order and the way these affected their caritative service to pilgrims, the poor and the sick. The purpose and ideals which formulated the Hospice of St Mary of the Latins are the essential beginnings of such a study.

Following the capture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099, the Hospice launched into a different phase of its history. The number of poor sick pilgrims visiting Jerusalem and being accommodated in the hospice or hospital, eventually forced the Hospital to become independent from its mother monastery. However, this became possible only after Pope Paschal II settled the problems of church and state experienced in the early years of the Kingdom.

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Communities and Crisis: Bologna during the Black Death

By Shona Kelly Wray
Brill Publishing, 2009
ISBN: 978 90 04 17634 8

Bologna is well known for its powerful university and notariate of the thirteenth century, but the fourteenth-century city is less studied. This work redresses the imbalance in scholarship by examining social and economic life at mid-fourteenth century, particularly during the epidemic of plague, the Black Death of 1348. Arguing against medieval chroniclers’ accounts of massive social, political, and religious breakdown, this examination of the immediate experience of the epidemic, based on notarial records–including over a thousand testaments–demonstrates resilience during the crisis. The notarial record reveals the activities and decisions of large numbers of individuals and families in the city and provides a reconstruction of the behavior of clergy, medical practitioners, government and neighborhood officials, and notaries during the epidemic.

Shona Kelly Wray, “Children during the Black Death,” in Children and Youth in History – a teaching module based on her research in Bologna

Selectivity of Black Death mortality with respect to preexisting health

By Sharon N. DeWitte and James W. Wood

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol.105:5 (2008)

Abstract: Was the mortality associated with the deadliest known epidemic in human history, the Black Death of 1347–1351, selective with respect to preexisting health conditions (‘‘frailty’’)? Many researchers have assumed that the Black Death was so virulent, and the European population so immunologically naive, that the epidemic killed indiscriminately, irrespective of age, sex, or frailty.

If this were true, Black Death cemeteries would provide unbiased cross-sections of demographic and epidemiological conditions in 14th-century Europe. Using skeletal remains from medieval England and Denmark, new methods of paleodemographic age estimation, and a recent multistate model of selective mortality, we test the assumption that the mid-14th-century Black Death killed indiscriminately.

Skeletons from the East Smithfield Black Death cemetery in London are compared with normal, nonepidemic cemetery samples from two medieval Danish towns (Viborg and Odense). The results suggest that the Black Death did not kill indiscriminately— that it was, in fact, selective with respect to frailty, although probably not as strongly selective as normal mortality.

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Anorexia and the Holiness of Saint Catherine of Siena

By Mario Reda and Giuseppe Sacco

Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture, Vol.8:1 (2001)

Introduction: In the medieval period, the control, renunciation, and torture of the body were understood not so much as a rejection of the physical, but as a way of achieving the divine. Gradually, the manifestations of this renunciation of the body came to apply peculiarly to women, for whom this state may be defined as “holy anorexia,” identified by the following features.

The Female Body as an Expression of Sexuality. The body of the woman was seen as an expression of sexuality, curvaceous with prominent breasts, and was thought to be the product of the woman herself, whereas the male body was formed by God. This supposition was confirmed by the extremely changeable nature of the female body, particularly in terms of control. Thus, the female easily slipped into a trance, into levitation, into catatonic states, leading rapidly to asceticism or anorexia. She displayed spontaneous lactation and bleeding, manifestations that sometimes were accompanied by stigmata. Indeed, at least fifteen medieval saints bled at the moment they received the Eucharist. In contrast, of saints in other periods of history, only Padre Pio and San Francesco displayed stigmata that were preserved on their bodies after death. If we are to consider specifically anorexia as a characteristic of sanctity, we must examine the periods of 1200 and the end of 1500 when Theresa of Avila (a Spanish saint who joined with a mystic force and spirit to reform Catholicism, resulting in the reinvigoration of all religious orders) began frequently to use twigs of olives to induce vomiting and completely empty her stomach. In this way she was able to truly take into herself the Host, which became her unique source of sustenance. From an investigation of the conduct of 170 Italian medieval saints by Rudolph Bell, fully one half of them exhibited symptoms of anorexia.

The Emotions of Women. Also, the lifestyles and emotional expressions of women have been assessed. The emotions were considered by medieval saints as mystical experiences, deriving from a meeting with God. Margaret of Faenza, Angela of Foligno, and Margaret of Oingt were likened to a slender bush with five branches representing the five senses, which were able to bloom only in a brook (representing Christ), bringing to life their feelings of sensation, including the awakening of sexuality.

Bodily Manifestations as Affirmation of Mystico-Religious Rules. Anorexia and other manifestations of the body provided the medieval woman a unique opportunity to affirm the true power of mystico-religious rules. A woman was destined to get married with whomever was designated according to family origin; otherwise, she entered a convent closed to the outside. In the latter case, however, the medieval woman was not allowed to study or acquire clerical power nor to speak in public or to preach. However, the complete renunciation of the body made it possible for a woman to foster, express, and experience her sensations and desires as manifestations of faith and religious expression. “Holy anorexia” was a confirmation of the role of mystical power, providing the woman with a way to convincingly affirm her sanctity to her confessors in whom she placed her trust and gave her charge. In fact, she placed her trust in her confessors in the same way that trust was placed in the family, which guaranteed in return to nurture her. Anorexia, together with flagellation and other bodily suffering, became the way for a woman to achieve holiness. Her body became the symbol of lust, of weakness, and irrationality.

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John Hatcher, Cambridge University history professor and 2009 Stanford Humanities Center Fellow, shares the challenges of writing and researching his book The Black Death: A Personal History. He talks about the way in which he combines history and non-ficitional writing to describe a single location during The Black Death.

Filmed at Stanford University in July 2009

Lady Philosophy’s Therapeutic Method

Phillips, Philip Edward

Medieval English Studies, vol. 10 (2002) No. 2

Abstract

Lady Philosophy and the Application of Ancient Medical Theory

According to Michael Frede, there was a strong connection throughout Antiquity between philosophy and medicine, a relationship supported by early Hippocratic writings advising that philosophy be carried into medicine and medicine into philosophy. Not only did ancient medical authors, from the time of the Hippocratic writers onwards, rely upon philosophers “for their views on physiology, but also for their conception of their art and their moral precepts for the doctor.”) Frede points out that ancient philosophers showed considerable interest in medical questions, most notably after medicine came to be considered an intellectually respectable discipline in the fifth century B.C. This concern was practical, he argues, because in small communities one often had to care for oneself and, in the absence of regulation, doctors tended to be itinerant and unaccountable for their practices. Consequently, much of the responsibility for treatment was carried out by the patient, with the assistance of a doctor, whose role was to offer explanations, advice, and help. Frede emphasizes that “the choice of treatment, hence the primary responsibility, was the patient’s,”) especially if the patient was an educated man who would have regarded medicine as one of the liberal arts and therefore worthy of his attention and study.

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The Social Position of the Surgeon in London, 1350-1450

Grigsby, Bryon

Essays in Medieval Studies, vol. 13 (1996)

Abstract

Many critics’ familiarity with the medieval medical community comes from Chaucer’s characterization of the Doctor of Physic: “In al this world ne was there noon hym lik, / To speke of phisik and of surgerye.”1 But what few critics fail to realize is that there is an important difference between the Doctor’s ability to speak of surgery and his ability to perform. In the 33 lines used to characterize the doctor, Chaucer never mentions a surgical procedure. This seems to indicate that doctors might not perform surgical operations. In fact, medieval medical and surgical manuals often demonstrate ideological differences between the two different roles doctor and surgeon. This conflict of ideologies informs the tensions behind Chaucer’s portrait of the Physician. During the late Middle Ages, doctors were believed to be a repository of medical knowledge, thus their profession was seen as learned. The surgeon, on the other hand, was considered to be an artisan, thus his profession was seen as a craft. This craft ideology allowed access for untrained artisans to enter the field of surgery. In this paper, I will statistically demonstrate that the medieval English surgeon was threatened by the growing number of untrained practitioners between the years 1350 and 1450. In response to this threat, medieval surgeons attempted to institutionalize their profession. Ironically, the manner in which they defined their practice did not restrict untrained practitioners, but actually increased access for medically untrained artisans.

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Attempree diete was al hir phisik: The Medieval Application of Medical Theory to Feasting

Burkholder, Kristen M.

Essays in Medieval Studies, vol. 13 (1996)

Abstract

The quotation in the title is from Geoffrey Chaucer’s Nun’s Priest’s Tale, describing a widow woman who lives a simple life, but it is also an indication of the perceived relationship between diet and medicine in late medieval England. This paper will attempt to look at fifteenth-century feasting from the viewpoint of people who had a definite awareness of a relationship between food and health, even though their understanding was not the same as today’s. First, it will briefly consider the motivations which underlay a medieval feast. Then it will suggest that the cooks responsible for preparing the food had some definite ideas of what would constitute healthy dishes. Finally, the last part of this essay will examine three fifteenth-century coronation feasts in England, select several dishes served at each, use contemporary cookbooks to determine the likely ingredients in each dish, and then attempt to analyze the qualities of the finished dish with reference both to the humoral qualities and to the other medicinal qualities that a medieval cook would have understood to exist in the several ingredients. Medieval texts usually distinguished degrees in each humor, e.g. warm versus hot, or cold in the first degree versus cold in the third degree. This paper will tend to ignore such distinctions and will concentrate on the more general concepts of humoral theory, for the cooks who created and prepared the recipes would not be likely to have known the finer points of the theory.

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Arnald of Vilanova: Physician and Prophet

Daly, Juanita A.

Essays in Medieval Studies, vol. 4 (1987)

Abstract

In the wake of the pioneering studies of Finke and Diepgen, written in the first decade of this century, scholarly interest in Arnald of Vilanova has increased steadily. Yet this increase in scholarly inquiry, far from bringing the figure of Arnald into focus, has produced two Arnalds: Arnald the physician and Arnald the prophet. The former is a scientist known in his lifetime and long after his death as the greatest physician of his age; the latter, a seemingly separate entity, is a prophet whose apocalyptic vision influenced both royal and papal courts at the turn of the fourteenth century. What is lost in their split image is the common conviction that informed both Arnald’s medicine and his theology. In the absence of a coordinating vision, Arnald is left a failed figure on both counts. Unfortunately, the peculiar facts that surround Arnald’s texts have discouraged any synthetic approach. For one thing, it was not critical practice that first divided Arnald’s theological works from his medical works, but the posthumous condemnation of his theological works in 1316. The condemnation was the final result of Arnald’s defense of his apocalyptic ideas against the threats of the Court of Inquisition, with whom he had been in contention since his arrest under a charge of heresy in 1299. Arnald had run afoul of the Court when, on a diplomatic mission for James II of Aragon to Philip IV of France, he presented his tract De Tempore Adventu Antichristi to the Doctors at the Sorbonne. In the tract Arnald announced that the appearance of the Antichrist was imminent and that the world would end page 30 around 1378. The Parisian theologians were not overjoyed at this news–even less at Arnald’s warning that the Church, in preparation for the event, must be drastically reformed. Arnald was promptly jailed and charged with heresy. It was only through the intervention of Philip’s minister and Arnald’s friend, William of. Nogent, that Arnald was spared further imprisonment. More insulted than intimidated, Arnald launched a vigorous campaign in defense of his theological works, a defense which he pursued until his death on September 6, 1311. In the intervening years he badgered both popes and kings in defense of his theories, in an attempt to establish for his theological notions the same credibility and high esteem his medical opinions enjoyed. The years between his arrest and his death were the years of his greatest output of apocalyptic writings, many of which he took great pains to edit and present to Pope Boniface VIII, and later Celestine V, for inclusion in the Vatican archives. He presented others to various royal and ecclesiastical libraries across Europe.

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Courtly Patronage of Ancient Sciences in Post-Classical Islamic

By Sonja Brentjes

Al-Qanṭara, Vol.29:2 (2008)

Abstract: In this paper I study evidence for courtly patronage for the ancient sciences in specific post-classical societies in the Arab and Persianate worlds. I show that there are plenty of historical sources for seriously challenging the widely held belief that courtly patronage for the ancient sciences disappeared in the post-classical period. I discuss similarities and differences between the classical and post-classical period at large and between specific post-classical dynasties in particular. I ask which disciplines courts sponsored, which products they privileged and which institutions and norms they used and mobilized for and through their patronage. I compare the relationship between patronage for scholars in two main settings —the court and the madrasa. I suggest that the proposed causal link between the disappearance or decrease of courtly patronage and the so-called decline of the ancient sciences needs to be revisited.

Introduction: Historians of science, medicine and philosophy in Islamic societies will agree without hesitation that courtly patronage was of extraordinary importance for the introduction, spread and maintenance of the ancient sciences, as well as for the many new results that scholars achieved in these fields in different Islamic societies. Despite this generally held conviction, there are no studies of the phenomenon and its various forms in specific Islamic societies. A second conviction, albeit less firmly held, is the belief that one of the major factors that led to what is usually called the decline of the ancient sciences was the disappearance of courtly patronage at some unclear point in time.  This vagueness results from disagreement about when the decline commenced, and from a lack of clear statements about when courtly patronage ended. Opinions on the matter vary greatly, some seeing the eleventh century as the starting point, others the fifteenth or sixteenth century.  Given the importance of these historiographical problems it is surprising that very little research has been done assessing the evidence for the disappearance of courtly support for all or some of the ancient sciences, and the link between this phenomenon (if it indeed can be shown to have happened) and changes in the content and innovative power of research that occurred in later Islamic societies.

In this paper I will focus on courtly patronage of the ancient sciences after 1200 in the territories between Egypt and India. I will show that courtly patronage of the ancient sciences did not disappear in this post-classical period. Several dynasties extended their support to scholars interested in a variety of ancient sciences. Such a claim finds clear substantiation in dedications and ownership marks attested in manuscripts; notes appearing in biographical dictionaries and historical chronicles about scholars at courts and their contacts with rulers, princes, emirs, viziers, other court officials and powerful women at courts; and courtly protocol and official honorific titles specified in administrative sources. The more challenging problems arise from the limitations of these materials and the need for non-trivial interpretations of the information they offer. Since courtly patronage continued after 1200 under several major and minor dynasties, the changes in scientific activities and the decrease in new results cannot be ascribed to lacking “state” support as such. The changes themselves, their character, scope, disciplinary, spatial and temporal occurrences as well as the modes in which they appear and the values they reflect, will not be discussed here. Neither will I offer suggestions about the factors contributing to such changes. All this goes far beyond the purpose and possibilities of this paper. But even more important, these issues are deeply steeped in prejudices and assumptions characteristic of scientific activities in our own days. There are no in-depth studies of specific cases that contextualize such changes in the value system of their times and places. In addition, the rigorous questioning of the assumptions underlying our judgments and of the suitability of our methods has only begun recently.

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