The Tale of Bygone Years preserves one of the most detailed accounts of a ruler’s conversion in medieval Europe — the baptism of Volodymyr Sviatoslavych, ruler of Rus′. His path to Christianity, set against the backdrop of 10th-century royal conversions, reveals a complex interplay of politics, religion, and diplomacy.
By Donald Ostrowski
A few common themes begin to emerge when one compares the conversion narrative of the Rus’ ruler Volodymyr Sviatoslavych (r. 980–1015) (a.k.a. Volodymyr the Great) with that of other rulers who converted to Christianity around the same time. We have reports of six other rulers in the late ninth and early tenth centuries who converted to Christianity. The source testimony about these conversions is often sparse and incomplete despite the fact that they constitute the foundation myths for how these areas and peoples were Christianized. The conversion narrative about Volodymyr, in contrast, is extensive, complex, and layered, taking up more than 35 manuscript folia in (Povest’ vremennykh let).
Accounts of Conversion of Rulers Other Than Volodymyr
The Conversion of Mieszko I of Poland (r. 960–992)
Adoption of Christianity, 965 AD, from the series “History of Civilization in Poland” by Jan Matejko (1838–1893)
Mieszko’s conversion occurred around 966. He had married Dobrawa, the daughter of Boleslaus I (the Cruel) of Bohemia (r. 935–967 or 972), in 965. According to the chronicler Thietmar, bishop of Merseburg (r. 1009–1018), Mieszko’s wife was the one who induced him to convert by making “sweet promises.” Gallus Anonymus, the name given to the unknown author of the early twelfth-century chronicle Deeds of the Princes of the Poles (Gesta principum Polonorum), made it even more explicit, saying that Dobrawa withheld sexual contact until he converted. Gallus Anonymus adds that once Mieszko converted, he was devoted to his new religion.
Géza, Grand Prince of the Hungarians (r. early 970s–997)
We have no specific date for the conversion of Géza; however, we do have evidence of a number of Latin missions visiting the Hungarian realm during his rule. According to the necrology of the Abbey of Saint Gall, Bishop Prunwart converted “the king of the Hungarians.” Thietmar confirms that the beginning of the Christianization of the Hungarians began under Géza. According to the Polish-Hungarian Chronicle, which dates to the early thirteenth century, Géza’s second wife, Adelaide, who was the sister of Mieszko I, convinced her husband to convert. No mention of an Adelaide appears in our sources other than this chronicle. Géza’s conversion was apparently less than complete, for Thietmar tells us that he continued to sacrifice to pagan gods. When confronted by Christian priests, he said that doing so was what made him rich and powerful.
Harald Bluetooth of Denmark and Norway (ca. 958–ca. 986)
A coin from King Harald Bluetooth, about 975 to 980″. Photographed just as it came out of the earth. Photo: Tobias Bondesson / Museum Vestsjælland
According to the Saxon chronicler Widukind of Corvey (ca. 925–after 973) in Deeds of the Saxons, a cleric named Poppa converted Harald Bluetooth of Denmark and Norway. The German historian Adam of Bremen (1050–1081/1085) claims in his Deeds of Bishops of the Hamburg Church (Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum) that Harald was forcibly converted after defeat in battle to the Holy Roman Emperor Otto I (r. 962–973).
Eric the Victorious of Sweden (r. ca. 970–ca. 995)
Adam of Bremen writes that Eric the Victorious of Sweden was baptized as the result of the missionary activity of Odinkar the Elder but then reverted to paganism.
Haakon the Good of Norway (r. 934–961)
Haakon was introduced to Christianity at the English court, according to Norwegian royal biographers of the late twelfth century. The Historia Norwegiae (extant in a single manuscript dated to 1500–1510) says Haakon was an apostate who continued to observe pagan rituals.
Olof Skötkonung, King of Sweden (r. ca. 995–1022)
The Westrogothic Law (ca. 1240) states that the missionary Sigfrid baptized Olof Skötkonung, King of Sweden, in Husaby. Olof remained Christian until his death. Adam of Bremen says that he intended to tear down a pagan temple, but opposition by his pagan subjects forestalled his plans.
Two of these six (Eric and Haakon) were described as recidivists in that they reverted to paganism. In two cases (Mieszko and Géza), a source says their respective wives had a hand in convincing them to convert, but in one of those cases (that of Géza) the source is dubious and the existence of the wife is doubtful. In four cases (Géza, Harald, Eric, and Olof), the conversion was said to be the result of missionary activity. All six of these rulers converted to Latin Christianity. There is a Hungarian chieftain, Gyulas, the father of Saroit, the wife of Géza, who was baptized in Constantinople around 952, but that does not seem to have resulted in Christianization of the Hungarians. This is around the time that The Tale of Bygone Years reports that Olga, the grandmother of Volodymyr and regent for her son Sviatoslav, traveled to Constantinople and was baptized, but that did not result in the Christianization of Rus′ either.
Byzantine Missionary Activity
Baptism of the first Rus, illustrated in the 14th century Manasses Chronicle.
After the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, the Latin Church initially undertook re-Christianization of areas that had fallen to the Germanic pagan invaders. The process was a long and arduous one that lasted several centuries before spreading to areas that had not been Christian or under Rome’s rule. The Roman Empire in the East, with its capital at Constantinople, did not fall to non-Christians until 1453. In the seventh century, though, the rapid expansion of Islam meant that a large swath of territory was taken from the Byzantine emperor’s control. As a result, the Greek Church’s Christianization activities had of necessity to occur mainly in lands that had not been Christian before. By the ninth century, Greek Church missions “to the Slavs” did compete with Latin Church missions in eastern and east-central Europe.
During the ninth and tenth centuries, Byzantium’s main focus of missionary activity was among four peoples: the Hungarians, the Khazars, the Pechenegs, and the Rus′. This activity had mixed results. As mentioned above, Rome won out in the competition for the Hungarians. The Khazar polity ceased to exist in the eleventh century. Although the last evidence of a Khazar ruler has him going by the name of Georgios, a Greek name, suggesting conversion to Christianity, we have no confirmation that he did in fact convert. Among the Pechenegs, a few local chieftains converted but without lasting effect. Only the missionary activity among the Rus′ can be called an unqualified success for Byzantium at that time.
The Narrative of Volodymyr’s Conversion
The Laurentian Codex contains the oldest extant version of The Tale of Bygone Years – Wikimedia Commons
The narrative account found in The Tale of Bygone Years is a compilation of four distinct conversion stories. At the end of each, the reader might justifiably expect to see him convert, but it is only at the end of the fourth story that he does convert. The Tale of Bygone Years itself is a compilation of earlier chronicles, documents, eyewitness accounts, and editorial additions, so it is difficult to say whether the account of the conversion was first written in the 1110s, when the Tale itself, as we know it, was compiled, or whether it incorporated an earlier chronicle where the combining of the conversion stories was first done. This circumstance might be explained by the statement of the compiler of the conversion narrative rejecting the assertions of “those who do not know the truth” about where Volodymyr was baptized. It would appear that the compiler decided to incorporate the narrative accounts of those ignorant of the truth to explain why Volodymyr’s baptism did not occur in these “other places” but in Cherson.
In the first story, which appears under the entry for 6494 (986/7), missionaries from Islam, Western Christianity, Judaism, and Eastern Christianity come to Kyiv to convert Volodymyr to their religion. Volga Bulgars present the case for Islam. Papal emissaries present the case for Western Christianity. Khazars present the case for Judaism. For each of these, Volodymyr finds a decisive reason not to accept their religion. Finally, a philosopher from the Greeks comes to present the case for Eastern Christianity. The Greek philosopher provides an exegetical account of the Old and New Testaments and shows Volodymyr an icon of the Last Judgment. Volodymyr is almost persuaded but decides to “wait a little.”
Under the entry for the following year, 6495 (987/8), a second story appears in which Volodymyr summons “his boyars and the elders” to discuss the presentations of the various missionaries. The boyars and elders advise him to send attendants to inquire about “the ritual of each and how he worships God.” Taking their advice, Volodymyr sends “10 wise and judicious” attendants to each of the neighboring religions, first to the Bulgars, then to the Germans, and finally to the Greeks. The emissaries are most impressed with what they see in Constantinople, especially the sublime church architecture and the beauty of the church service: “We did not know whether we were in heaven or on earth.” Yet Volodymyr continues to wait.
Prince Vladimir chooses a religion in 988. An 1822 painting byJohann Leberecht Eggink (1784 – 1867)
In the entry for 6496 (988/9), a third story appears. Volodymyr besieges the Crimean city of Cherson and makes a vow that if a plan to cut the water to the city is successful, he will convert to Christianity: “If this is successful, I will be baptized.” The vow at this time seems gratuitous. Contrary to similar conversion stories where there is an agent, usually a Christian priest, who tells the ruler that if he converts, he will win a great victory, here Volodymyr comes up with the idea on his own. Anastasias, a Christian resident of Cherson, conveys to Volodymyr how to take Cherson by cutting the city’s water supply. Volodymyr subsequently entrusts the church in Cherson to Anastasias. Implicit in this third story is Volodymyr’s previous examination of various religions, as well as his favorable disposition toward Eastern Christianity. Otherwise, the vow would, from a narrative point of view, be completely out of context.
One might consider this a separate “story” from the subsequent negotiations for the hand of Anna with the brothers who are co-emperors in Constantinople, but Volodymyr’s vow appears as only one sentence in The Tale of Bygone Years and more likely represents a different tradition. When Volodymyr does capture the city, he does not convert. Instead, Volodymyr demands the sister of the Byzantine emperors (Basil II and Constantine VIII) in marriage and threatens to do to Constantinople what he just did to Cherson if they refuse. Negotiations occur between Volodymyr and the emperors, who declare that he should be baptized before they will send Anna. Volodymyr counters that he will be baptized by the priests in Anna’s entourage when she arrives.
We now encounter the fourth story. Anna arrives in Cherson to marry Volodymyr only to find that he is blind. She tells him that when he is baptized his sight will be restored. He is baptized and thereby cured of the affliction. From a narrative point of view, story four appears unnecessary, since Volodymyr has already promised to be baptized as soon as Anna arrives with priests. The narrative does not require blindness to convince him, but it restores agency to someone from Byzantium to effect the conversion of the ruler.
According to the Tale, Volodymyr’s conversion was complete and sincere. The priests instruct him in the tenets of the faith, and he is an attentive convert. He instructs the Kyivans to all get baptized in the Dnipro River and has the wooden pagan idols thrown into the same river.
The Latin Church could claim successful conversion during the late ninth and early tenth century of more rulers than the Greek Church. However, the most significant conversion by the Greek Church during that period – that of the Rus′ ruler Volodymyr Sviatoslavych – helped to compensate for the lower number of rulers converted in terms of the total area that now came under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople. In addition, the account of Volodymyr’s conversion in The Tale of Bygone Years provides the richest conversion narrative of the time, rivaling that of Constantine the Great, the epitome of all conversion narratives.
Donald Ostrowski is a Lecturer in History at the Harvard University Extension School, where he has taught for 40 years, and Research Associate of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. A leading history of medieval Russia, Donald has many publications, including The Ruling Families of Rus.
The Tale of Bygone Years preserves one of the most detailed accounts of a ruler’s conversion in medieval Europe — the baptism of Volodymyr Sviatoslavych, ruler of Rus′. His path to Christianity, set against the backdrop of 10th-century royal conversions, reveals a complex interplay of politics, religion, and diplomacy.
By Donald Ostrowski
A few common themes begin to emerge when one compares the conversion narrative of the Rus’ ruler Volodymyr Sviatoslavych (r. 980–1015) (a.k.a. Volodymyr the Great) with that of other rulers who converted to Christianity around the same time. We have reports of six other rulers in the late ninth and early tenth centuries who converted to Christianity. The source testimony about these conversions is often sparse and incomplete despite the fact that they constitute the foundation myths for how these areas and peoples were Christianized. The conversion narrative about Volodymyr, in contrast, is extensive, complex, and layered, taking up more than 35 manuscript folia in (Povest’ vremennykh let).
Accounts of Conversion of Rulers Other Than Volodymyr
The Conversion of Mieszko I of Poland (r. 960–992)
Mieszko’s conversion occurred around 966. He had married Dobrawa, the daughter of Boleslaus I (the Cruel) of Bohemia (r. 935–967 or 972), in 965. According to the chronicler Thietmar, bishop of Merseburg (r. 1009–1018), Mieszko’s wife was the one who induced him to convert by making “sweet promises.” Gallus Anonymus, the name given to the unknown author of the early twelfth-century chronicle Deeds of the Princes of the Poles (Gesta principum Polonorum), made it even more explicit, saying that Dobrawa withheld sexual contact until he converted. Gallus Anonymus adds that once Mieszko converted, he was devoted to his new religion.
Géza, Grand Prince of the Hungarians (r. early 970s–997)
We have no specific date for the conversion of Géza; however, we do have evidence of a number of Latin missions visiting the Hungarian realm during his rule. According to the necrology of the Abbey of Saint Gall, Bishop Prunwart converted “the king of the Hungarians.” Thietmar confirms that the beginning of the Christianization of the Hungarians began under Géza. According to the Polish-Hungarian Chronicle, which dates to the early thirteenth century, Géza’s second wife, Adelaide, who was the sister of Mieszko I, convinced her husband to convert. No mention of an Adelaide appears in our sources other than this chronicle. Géza’s conversion was apparently less than complete, for Thietmar tells us that he continued to sacrifice to pagan gods. When confronted by Christian priests, he said that doing so was what made him rich and powerful.
Harald Bluetooth of Denmark and Norway (ca. 958–ca. 986)
According to the Saxon chronicler Widukind of Corvey (ca. 925–after 973) in Deeds of the Saxons, a cleric named Poppa converted Harald Bluetooth of Denmark and Norway. The German historian Adam of Bremen (1050–1081/1085) claims in his Deeds of Bishops of the Hamburg Church (Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum) that Harald was forcibly converted after defeat in battle to the Holy Roman Emperor Otto I (r. 962–973).
Eric the Victorious of Sweden (r. ca. 970–ca. 995)
Adam of Bremen writes that Eric the Victorious of Sweden was baptized as the result of the missionary activity of Odinkar the Elder but then reverted to paganism.
Haakon the Good of Norway (r. 934–961)
Haakon was introduced to Christianity at the English court, according to Norwegian royal biographers of the late twelfth century. The Historia Norwegiae (extant in a single manuscript dated to 1500–1510) says Haakon was an apostate who continued to observe pagan rituals.
Olof Skötkonung, King of Sweden (r. ca. 995–1022)
The Westrogothic Law (ca. 1240) states that the missionary Sigfrid baptized Olof Skötkonung, King of Sweden, in Husaby. Olof remained Christian until his death. Adam of Bremen says that he intended to tear down a pagan temple, but opposition by his pagan subjects forestalled his plans.
Two of these six (Eric and Haakon) were described as recidivists in that they reverted to paganism. In two cases (Mieszko and Géza), a source says their respective wives had a hand in convincing them to convert, but in one of those cases (that of Géza) the source is dubious and the existence of the wife is doubtful. In four cases (Géza, Harald, Eric, and Olof), the conversion was said to be the result of missionary activity. All six of these rulers converted to Latin Christianity. There is a Hungarian chieftain, Gyulas, the father of Saroit, the wife of Géza, who was baptized in Constantinople around 952, but that does not seem to have resulted in Christianization of the Hungarians. This is around the time that The Tale of Bygone Years reports that Olga, the grandmother of Volodymyr and regent for her son Sviatoslav, traveled to Constantinople and was baptized, but that did not result in the Christianization of Rus′ either.
Byzantine Missionary Activity
After the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, the Latin Church initially undertook re-Christianization of areas that had fallen to the Germanic pagan invaders. The process was a long and arduous one that lasted several centuries before spreading to areas that had not been Christian or under Rome’s rule. The Roman Empire in the East, with its capital at Constantinople, did not fall to non-Christians until 1453. In the seventh century, though, the rapid expansion of Islam meant that a large swath of territory was taken from the Byzantine emperor’s control. As a result, the Greek Church’s Christianization activities had of necessity to occur mainly in lands that had not been Christian before. By the ninth century, Greek Church missions “to the Slavs” did compete with Latin Church missions in eastern and east-central Europe.
During the ninth and tenth centuries, Byzantium’s main focus of missionary activity was among four peoples: the Hungarians, the Khazars, the Pechenegs, and the Rus′. This activity had mixed results. As mentioned above, Rome won out in the competition for the Hungarians. The Khazar polity ceased to exist in the eleventh century. Although the last evidence of a Khazar ruler has him going by the name of Georgios, a Greek name, suggesting conversion to Christianity, we have no confirmation that he did in fact convert. Among the Pechenegs, a few local chieftains converted but without lasting effect. Only the missionary activity among the Rus′ can be called an unqualified success for Byzantium at that time.
The Narrative of Volodymyr’s Conversion
The narrative account found in The Tale of Bygone Years is a compilation of four distinct conversion stories. At the end of each, the reader might justifiably expect to see him convert, but it is only at the end of the fourth story that he does convert. The Tale of Bygone Years itself is a compilation of earlier chronicles, documents, eyewitness accounts, and editorial additions, so it is difficult to say whether the account of the conversion was first written in the 1110s, when the Tale itself, as we know it, was compiled, or whether it incorporated an earlier chronicle where the combining of the conversion stories was first done. This circumstance might be explained by the statement of the compiler of the conversion narrative rejecting the assertions of “those who do not know the truth” about where Volodymyr was baptized. It would appear that the compiler decided to incorporate the narrative accounts of those ignorant of the truth to explain why Volodymyr’s baptism did not occur in these “other places” but in Cherson.
In the first story, which appears under the entry for 6494 (986/7), missionaries from Islam, Western Christianity, Judaism, and Eastern Christianity come to Kyiv to convert Volodymyr to their religion. Volga Bulgars present the case for Islam. Papal emissaries present the case for Western Christianity. Khazars present the case for Judaism. For each of these, Volodymyr finds a decisive reason not to accept their religion. Finally, a philosopher from the Greeks comes to present the case for Eastern Christianity. The Greek philosopher provides an exegetical account of the Old and New Testaments and shows Volodymyr an icon of the Last Judgment. Volodymyr is almost persuaded but decides to “wait a little.”
Under the entry for the following year, 6495 (987/8), a second story appears in which Volodymyr summons “his boyars and the elders” to discuss the presentations of the various missionaries. The boyars and elders advise him to send attendants to inquire about “the ritual of each and how he worships God.” Taking their advice, Volodymyr sends “10 wise and judicious” attendants to each of the neighboring religions, first to the Bulgars, then to the Germans, and finally to the Greeks. The emissaries are most impressed with what they see in Constantinople, especially the sublime church architecture and the beauty of the church service: “We did not know whether we were in heaven or on earth.” Yet Volodymyr continues to wait.
In the entry for 6496 (988/9), a third story appears. Volodymyr besieges the Crimean city of Cherson and makes a vow that if a plan to cut the water to the city is successful, he will convert to Christianity: “If this is successful, I will be baptized.” The vow at this time seems gratuitous. Contrary to similar conversion stories where there is an agent, usually a Christian priest, who tells the ruler that if he converts, he will win a great victory, here Volodymyr comes up with the idea on his own. Anastasias, a Christian resident of Cherson, conveys to Volodymyr how to take Cherson by cutting the city’s water supply. Volodymyr subsequently entrusts the church in Cherson to Anastasias. Implicit in this third story is Volodymyr’s previous examination of various religions, as well as his favorable disposition toward Eastern Christianity. Otherwise, the vow would, from a narrative point of view, be completely out of context.
One might consider this a separate “story” from the subsequent negotiations for the hand of Anna with the brothers who are co-emperors in Constantinople, but Volodymyr’s vow appears as only one sentence in The Tale of Bygone Years and more likely represents a different tradition. When Volodymyr does capture the city, he does not convert. Instead, Volodymyr demands the sister of the Byzantine emperors (Basil II and Constantine VIII) in marriage and threatens to do to Constantinople what he just did to Cherson if they refuse. Negotiations occur between Volodymyr and the emperors, who declare that he should be baptized before they will send Anna. Volodymyr counters that he will be baptized by the priests in Anna’s entourage when she arrives.
We now encounter the fourth story. Anna arrives in Cherson to marry Volodymyr only to find that he is blind. She tells him that when he is baptized his sight will be restored. He is baptized and thereby cured of the affliction. From a narrative point of view, story four appears unnecessary, since Volodymyr has already promised to be baptized as soon as Anna arrives with priests. The narrative does not require blindness to convince him, but it restores agency to someone from Byzantium to effect the conversion of the ruler.
According to the Tale, Volodymyr’s conversion was complete and sincere. The priests instruct him in the tenets of the faith, and he is an attentive convert. He instructs the Kyivans to all get baptized in the Dnipro River and has the wooden pagan idols thrown into the same river.
The Latin Church could claim successful conversion during the late ninth and early tenth century of more rulers than the Greek Church. However, the most significant conversion by the Greek Church during that period – that of the Rus′ ruler Volodymyr Sviatoslavych – helped to compensate for the lower number of rulers converted in terms of the total area that now came under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople. In addition, the account of Volodymyr’s conversion in The Tale of Bygone Years provides the richest conversion narrative of the time, rivaling that of Constantine the Great, the epitome of all conversion narratives.
Donald Ostrowski is a Lecturer in History at the Harvard University Extension School, where he has taught for 40 years, and Research Associate of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. A leading history of medieval Russia, Donald has many publications, including The Ruling Families of Rus.
Top Image: The baptism of Volodymyr Sviatoslavych. Depicted in the Radziwiłł Chronicle, which dates to the 15th century. © Wikimedia Commons.
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