How did medieval rulers assemble their armies, and who actually fought in them? David Bachrach examines the disastrous Battle of Ane in 1227 to reveal how knights, professional soldiers and ordinary peasants played different roles in medieval warfare—and why a larger army was not always a better one.
By David Bachrach
In the aftermath of a series of major military defeats at the hands of the people of Drenthe, led by the lords of the fortress of Coevorden, a cleric in the episcopal administration of Bishop Wilbrand of Utrecht (1227-1233) set out to write an account of recent events to illuminate why things had gone so badly for both Wilbrand and his predecessor Bishop Otto II (1216-1227).
In his account of contemporary affairs, the anonymous author of a narrative with the unwieldy title of A Certain Account about Groningen, Drenthe, Coevorden, and About Various Other Matters Under Various Bishops of Utrecht, provides considerable information regarding numerous elements of the military organization and militarized populations within the diocese of Utrecht and surrounding lands. These encompassed not only the formal military establishment of the bishops of Utrecht and various territorial princes, but also the broad mass of the rural population.
A Certain Account reaches a first climax in the author’s discussion of the battle of Ane (28 July 1227) in which Bishop Otto II lost both his army and his life. This battle took place in the context of Bishop Otto’s effort to relieve the siege of the city of Groningen by Rudolf II of Coevorden (r. 1217-1230) and a large force mobilized from the rural population of the region of Drenthe. As the author makes clear, Bishop Otto drew upon a great many sources of military manpower to mobilize a very large army with which he hoped to bring the campaign against Rudolf to a rapid conclusion.
The author stated in this context:
The exceptionally harsh and arrogant siege of the city (Groningen) and of his knights moved the bishop so much that he summoned knights and men at arms from all parts of his diocese and compelled the entire population to set out under arms. He summoned his relatives and neighbors, and also his friends with prayers and promises and gifts. He received in person the aid of Count Gerhard of Guelders, who recently had become his friend. The count of Holland and the count of Kleve sent worthy contingents to him. Many worthy and rich knights came from the bishoprics of Cologne and Münster, outstanding among whom were Bernhard of Horstmar, Count Baldwin of Bentheim, and Reynold of Reest. There were also countless other nobles. It was so against customary practice that the nobles and ministerials and knights from all directions, who had grown unaccustomed to arms, along with the common people flocked to the army from everywhere, that there doubtlessly ought to have been a fear, and not without merit, that they were brought together for their common death and damnation by some divine command.
How Medieval Armies Were Assembled
A 17th-century depiction of the Battle at Ane – Wikimedia Commons
This brief passage illuminates a great many aspects of the military organization and military obligation in force during the early thirteenth century. The author, who was a member of the episcopal administration at Utrecht and had access to the archives and administrative records of the diocese, highlights the many ways in which Bishop Otto was able to recruit troops for this campaign.
The author places at the beginning of his list the knights and men at arms whom Otto summoned from throughout his diocese. Many of the former, identified in the account as milites, were men from among the social and economic elite of the diocese. Drawing on obligations that dated back to the period of the Carolingian Empire, and which were maintained by the rulers of the German Empire, these milites were expected to join the bishop’s army at their own expense with equipment commensurate to their wealth and status. The men at arms (armigeri) were equipped in a manner similar to the milites, with mounts and armor. However, they made their living as professional combatants. Whereas the knights served at their own expense only when summoned for duty, the armigeri fought for wages from the bishop or others who were willing to pay them.
The third group of men identified by the author as coming from within the diocese, namely the “entire population,” points to another aspect of traditional military obligation, sometimes denoted as the general levy. This was the obligation, again dating back to the period of the Carolingian Empire if not earlier, for all able-bodied men to rally to arms in defense of their home territories. Given that this campaign took place within the diocese of Utrecht, the bishop was able to make the claim that he was engaged in the defense of the homeland. This interpretation is confirmed by the author’s subsequent observation that many “common people” had joined the army.
The author then turns to the extra-diocesan military forces recruited by Bishop Otto. He begins with the bishop’s relatives, neighbors, and his friends. These men were not summoned, as was the case with the milites, armigeri, and populus, but rather recruited. The author states explicitly that this recruitment followed a tripartite pattern of asking for aid, of promising future rewards, and of giving “gifts” in the present.
The author identifies several princes who joined with Bishop Otto, including the count of Guelders, the count of Holland, and the count of Kleve, who were three of the most important secular lords in the Low Countries at this time. These men, in turn, were accompanied by their military households of armigeri, and likely some of the knights from their regions.
In addition to these princes, the author identifies some individual knightly adventurers who joined Otto’s army. The most famous and prominent of these men was the miles Bernhard of Horstmar, who had joined in military campaigns across northern Europe and on crusade, serving in the armies of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, King Richard, and King John.
Were Medieval Knights Really Better Soldiers?
A 13th-century depiction of a warrior from the Low Countries – Bibliothèque Mazarine, Ms 23 fol. 223v
The final lines of this brief passage presage the defeat of Bishop Otto’s army at Ane and the death in battle of hundreds of elite men. One point is of particular importance here. The author makes clear that the great size of Bishop Otto’s army was more of a hindrance than a help, because his military force was composed of many men who lacked skill in arms. The author points first to the nobiles, ministeriales, and milites who had “grown unaccustomed to arms.”
This observation contradicts the traditional and rather romantic notion that elite men of the “knightly classes” were the best-trained combatants on medieval battlefields. Certainly, such men had military equipment, probably of high quality. These men also had military obligations, as made clear at the beginning of the passage when the author states that they were summoned for service. But equipment and obligation were not sufficient to make good fighting men. Rather, training was required as well.
However, as the author indicates, these men were not trained, or at least were no longer in fighting form, given that he emphasizes that they were unaccustomed to arms. The same apparently was true of the populus who joined the army. The only men excluded from these negative observations were the armigeri, that is men who made a living at arms.
In sum, the account of the Battle of Ane illuminates several important aspects of the military system in the diocese of Utrecht in the early thirteenth century. General military obligations on able-bodied men, which dated back to the time of the Carolingian Empire, could still be activated by office holders such as the bishops of Utrecht. The military forces that could be summoned through these obligations were, however, augmented in a number of ways, including through the recruitment of magnates with their military households and of professional fighting men, who served outside the contexts of such units. The latter might be understood as mercenaries.
One final consideration is that the author’s negative commentary on the fighting ability of Otto II’s milites and the populus should be considered against the backdrop of the military forces that defeated them. These included the military household of Rudolf of Coevorden but mostly consisted of the rural population of the region of Drenthe. These men repeatedly defeated the armies raised against them by the bishops of Utrecht in the late 1220s and early 1230s, which is a clear indication that the fighting ability of these rural levies could be quite high, indeed, particularly when they were defending their homes and their families.
David Bachrach is a Professor at the University of New Hampshire, where he researches medieval military history, particularly in England and Germany.
Top Image: A thirteenth-century battle, depicted in the Sächsische Weltchronik (Saxon World Chronicle). Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Ms. germ. fol. 129, fol. 123v.
How did medieval rulers assemble their armies, and who actually fought in them? David Bachrach examines the disastrous Battle of Ane in 1227 to reveal how knights, professional soldiers and ordinary peasants played different roles in medieval warfare—and why a larger army was not always a better one.
By David Bachrach
In the aftermath of a series of major military defeats at the hands of the people of Drenthe, led by the lords of the fortress of Coevorden, a cleric in the episcopal administration of Bishop Wilbrand of Utrecht (1227-1233) set out to write an account of recent events to illuminate why things had gone so badly for both Wilbrand and his predecessor Bishop Otto II (1216-1227).
In his account of contemporary affairs, the anonymous author of a narrative with the unwieldy title of A Certain Account about Groningen, Drenthe, Coevorden, and About Various Other Matters Under Various Bishops of Utrecht, provides considerable information regarding numerous elements of the military organization and militarized populations within the diocese of Utrecht and surrounding lands. These encompassed not only the formal military establishment of the bishops of Utrecht and various territorial princes, but also the broad mass of the rural population.
A Certain Account reaches a first climax in the author’s discussion of the battle of Ane (28 July 1227) in which Bishop Otto II lost both his army and his life. This battle took place in the context of Bishop Otto’s effort to relieve the siege of the city of Groningen by Rudolf II of Coevorden (r. 1217-1230) and a large force mobilized from the rural population of the region of Drenthe. As the author makes clear, Bishop Otto drew upon a great many sources of military manpower to mobilize a very large army with which he hoped to bring the campaign against Rudolf to a rapid conclusion.
The author stated in this context:
The exceptionally harsh and arrogant siege of the city (Groningen) and of his knights moved the bishop so much that he summoned knights and men at arms from all parts of his diocese and compelled the entire population to set out under arms. He summoned his relatives and neighbors, and also his friends with prayers and promises and gifts. He received in person the aid of Count Gerhard of Guelders, who recently had become his friend. The count of Holland and the count of Kleve sent worthy contingents to him. Many worthy and rich knights came from the bishoprics of Cologne and Münster, outstanding among whom were Bernhard of Horstmar, Count Baldwin of Bentheim, and Reynold of Reest. There were also countless other nobles. It was so against customary practice that the nobles and ministerials and knights from all directions, who had grown unaccustomed to arms, along with the common people flocked to the army from everywhere, that there doubtlessly ought to have been a fear, and not without merit, that they were brought together for their common death and damnation by some divine command.
How Medieval Armies Were Assembled
This brief passage illuminates a great many aspects of the military organization and military obligation in force during the early thirteenth century. The author, who was a member of the episcopal administration at Utrecht and had access to the archives and administrative records of the diocese, highlights the many ways in which Bishop Otto was able to recruit troops for this campaign.
The author places at the beginning of his list the knights and men at arms whom Otto summoned from throughout his diocese. Many of the former, identified in the account as milites, were men from among the social and economic elite of the diocese. Drawing on obligations that dated back to the period of the Carolingian Empire, and which were maintained by the rulers of the German Empire, these milites were expected to join the bishop’s army at their own expense with equipment commensurate to their wealth and status. The men at arms (armigeri) were equipped in a manner similar to the milites, with mounts and armor. However, they made their living as professional combatants. Whereas the knights served at their own expense only when summoned for duty, the armigeri fought for wages from the bishop or others who were willing to pay them.
The third group of men identified by the author as coming from within the diocese, namely the “entire population,” points to another aspect of traditional military obligation, sometimes denoted as the general levy. This was the obligation, again dating back to the period of the Carolingian Empire if not earlier, for all able-bodied men to rally to arms in defense of their home territories. Given that this campaign took place within the diocese of Utrecht, the bishop was able to make the claim that he was engaged in the defense of the homeland. This interpretation is confirmed by the author’s subsequent observation that many “common people” had joined the army.
The author then turns to the extra-diocesan military forces recruited by Bishop Otto. He begins with the bishop’s relatives, neighbors, and his friends. These men were not summoned, as was the case with the milites, armigeri, and populus, but rather recruited. The author states explicitly that this recruitment followed a tripartite pattern of asking for aid, of promising future rewards, and of giving “gifts” in the present.
The author identifies several princes who joined with Bishop Otto, including the count of Guelders, the count of Holland, and the count of Kleve, who were three of the most important secular lords in the Low Countries at this time. These men, in turn, were accompanied by their military households of armigeri, and likely some of the knights from their regions.
In addition to these princes, the author identifies some individual knightly adventurers who joined Otto’s army. The most famous and prominent of these men was the miles Bernhard of Horstmar, who had joined in military campaigns across northern Europe and on crusade, serving in the armies of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, King Richard, and King John.
Were Medieval Knights Really Better Soldiers?
The final lines of this brief passage presage the defeat of Bishop Otto’s army at Ane and the death in battle of hundreds of elite men. One point is of particular importance here. The author makes clear that the great size of Bishop Otto’s army was more of a hindrance than a help, because his military force was composed of many men who lacked skill in arms. The author points first to the nobiles, ministeriales, and milites who had “grown unaccustomed to arms.”
This observation contradicts the traditional and rather romantic notion that elite men of the “knightly classes” were the best-trained combatants on medieval battlefields. Certainly, such men had military equipment, probably of high quality. These men also had military obligations, as made clear at the beginning of the passage when the author states that they were summoned for service. But equipment and obligation were not sufficient to make good fighting men. Rather, training was required as well.
However, as the author indicates, these men were not trained, or at least were no longer in fighting form, given that he emphasizes that they were unaccustomed to arms. The same apparently was true of the populus who joined the army. The only men excluded from these negative observations were the armigeri, that is men who made a living at arms.
In sum, the account of the Battle of Ane illuminates several important aspects of the military system in the diocese of Utrecht in the early thirteenth century. General military obligations on able-bodied men, which dated back to the time of the Carolingian Empire, could still be activated by office holders such as the bishops of Utrecht. The military forces that could be summoned through these obligations were, however, augmented in a number of ways, including through the recruitment of magnates with their military households and of professional fighting men, who served outside the contexts of such units. The latter might be understood as mercenaries.
One final consideration is that the author’s negative commentary on the fighting ability of Otto II’s milites and the populus should be considered against the backdrop of the military forces that defeated them. These included the military household of Rudolf of Coevorden but mostly consisted of the rural population of the region of Drenthe. These men repeatedly defeated the armies raised against them by the bishops of Utrecht in the late 1220s and early 1230s, which is a clear indication that the fighting ability of these rural levies could be quite high, indeed, particularly when they were defending their homes and their families.
David Bachrach is a Professor at the University of New Hampshire, where he researches medieval military history, particularly in England and Germany.
Click here to read more from David Bachrach
Further Readings:
David S. Bachrach, Chronicling Warfare in the Thirteenth Century German Empire (Routledge, 2026).
Top Image: A thirteenth-century battle, depicted in the Sächsische Weltchronik (Saxon World Chronicle). Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Ms. germ. fol. 129, fol. 123v.
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