Posts Tagged ‘Social History’

The results of a two year project will soon reveal new insights into the rise of lawyers in the medieval and Tudor periods. Professor Anthony Musson, a legal historian at the University of Exeter, is about to complete a new book entitled, Lawyers Laid Bare: The Private Lives of Medieval and Early Tudor Lawyers, which seeks to provide a broader picture outside of the familiar portrayal of lawyers as figures of fun or revulsion.

Professor Musson was supported by an £80,640 grant from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). His research examined lawyers in medieval and early modern society (years 1258-1558). This entailed identifying how they managed their estates, where they lived, what their families and households were like, how they conducted themselves, their religious beliefs, philanthropy, and the nature of their marriages and alliances.

Professor Musson said, ‘By scrutinizing generations of lawyers across three centuries the research shows how education and study of the law enabled class barriers to be transcended. Many lawyers came from humble backgrounds with little or no prospects, some were born illegitimate, but as a result of their legal know-how they were able to achieve high professional and social status.’

He added, ‘Securing advantageous marriages to young heiresses or influential rich widows was common place. This was beneficial to both parties with the family gaining valuable inside information about the legal process, potentially helping them with land disputes, wills or acquisition of land and for the lawyer to advance his social position and property portfolio. ’

The research concentrated on lawyers living outside London, focusing on Exeter, York, Bristol, Coventry, Norwich and Colchester. The flood of property on the market following the Black Death in the 14th Century and dissolution of the monasteries in the 16th Century, such as Forde Abbey in Somerset (acquired by Richard Pollard in 1543), meant there were advantageous opportunities for lawyers to gain considerable wealth and social and political advantage.

John Haydon, for example, built a house at Cadhay, near Exeter, using materials from the former college at Ottery St Mary. He also bought some of the buildings of Dunkeswell Abbey in Devon and part of the Marquess of Exeter’s forfeited estates. Ready money enabled Haydon and others like him to act as property agents, buying and selling monastic lands. Acquisition and accumulation of property enabled them to advance their social status and behave like landed gentlemen.

Greed, materialism and pride are some of the characteristics that people living over 500 years ago attributed to Judges and lawyers. Research indicates that opposition towards lawyers from the wider population sprang from changes in society, as the legal profession profited from litigiousness and an increasing public reliance on legal skills.

Using taxation information, inquests, wills, property deeds and private correspondence the research identifies how prosperity in the legal world affected lawyers and how they used the law to further their own position. It also looks at how lawyers managed to benefit financially when others were experiencing economic hardship. Lawyers tended to have the largest disposable income and their overt displays of wealth generated particular resentment within the community.

If lawyers were traditionally regarded as selfish creatures, the tax they paid on their accumulated lands, for which returns survive, and evidence of charity and philanthropy redress the balance, according to the research. Contrary to opinion, lawyers were not without conscience – they engaged in significant acts of charity. Lawyers’ wills displayed a concern for the welfare of disadvantaged groups in society above and beyond the conventional and indiscriminate alms dole. Provision for education was especially significant for them, since it was a catalyst for professional success and social mobility.

Genuine philanthropy on the part of lawyers was also found in their attempts to improve the lives of others, particularly the sick and the elderly. The foundation of hospitals and almshouses, notably Wynards Hospital (founded in Exeter by William Wynard in 1435 and still operational at the end of the 19th century), offered long term benefit to the community in practical alleviation of suffering.

Professor Musson explained, ‘The project illustrates how lawyers exploited opportunities and how they collectively offered a convenient scapegoat for ills of the age. They became the focus for social frustrations and economic jealousies that flourished in times of hardship, especially when it was felt that lawyers were profiting at other’s expense. It is only on a personal level that they can be judged more appropriately and that it is possible to form a balanced view of the criticisms levelled against lawyers.’

See also: Vultures, Whores, and Hypocrites: Images of Lawyers in Medieval Literature

Source: University of Exeter

‘She was ravished against her will, what so ever she say’: Female Consent in Rape and Ravishment in late-medieval England

By Emma Hawkes

Limina, Vol. 1 (1995)

Introduction: In July 1452 John Paston I wrote to Richard Southwell informing him of he Jane Boys ravishment case. He urged Southwell to support the prosecution’s claims that she had been abducted. Paston did this despite Boys’ own denial that she had been taken against her will – Paston dismissed her point of view by saying she had ’saide untrewly of her-selff’. Boys’ own motivations and actions were constructed by Paston as peripheral to the truly important question of whether Southwell would support the case or not. Paston’s attitudes and assumptions should be fitted into the framework of knowledge abVertout female consent in both rape and ravishment in late-medieval statute and case law.

Very little distinction was made between rape and ravishment in the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Although rape (forcible coition) and ravishment (abduction without necessarily implying forcible coition) are seen as two very different offences in the twentieth century, medieval legal records generally blurred the two crimes together. This process can be seen in the the language which was used to describe the two. Although the 1285 statute of Westminster II attempted to fix the term to be used for a ravishment (rapuit et abduxit), a variety of terms continued to be used (abstulit, cepit et abduxit). Confusingly, rape was also known by the term rapuit throughout this period. As rape and ravishment were associated in the late-medieval period and since both were predominantly offences against women, the two will be studied together in this article.

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Gossip and Resistance among the Medieval Peasantry

By Chris Wickham

Past and Present, No. 160. (1998)

Introduction: I aim in this article to offer a defence of the study of gossip in medieval (and not only medieval) history. It is therefore, perhaps, appropriate to begin with a story, which I will use as a point of reference for some of the themes I want to discuss. It takes shape from a court case from twelfth-century Tuscany: that is to say, from the testimonies of seventeen witnesses recorded in or around 1138 in a dispute between a peasant cultivator called Compagno and the very rich and powerful monastery of Passignano, situated in the Chianti hills about forty kilometres south of Florence, over the ownership of a piece of land at Mucciana on the river Pesa, where Passignano had just built a mill. To be precise, we have two stories, one for each side; and we do not have the final arbitration, so we cannot be sure even what the arbiter thought was true. But the two stories are interesting in their own right, as images of plausible and thus possible truths.

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Domesday Book and the Malets: patrimony and the private histories of public lives

By K.S.B Keats-Rohan

Nottingham Medieval Studies, Vol.41 (1997)

Introduction: Established on ducal demesne lands at Graville-Sainte-Honorine in the Pays de Caux by the beginning of the eleventh century, the ‘grand lignage’ of Malet is one of the most inadequately discussed of all the great Norman houses to enjoy large landholdings in England after 1066. An account of the formation of their Norman honour, much of which was held not directly of the duke but of the Giffard family, has been given in recent years by J. Le Maho. They also held land near the ducal centre at Caen, a connexion that frequently recurs in consideration of their family and tenurial relationships. These are matters fundamental to a study of Malet, but also essential to an understanding of the family’s career in the eleventh century is the examination of its association with England. The Malets were the only Norman family of any significance to have had associations with both Normandy and England throughout the century, something that both entitles them to a special status as the ‘Anglo-Norman’ family par excellence and merits a fresh study.

The present study takes as its focal point the career of the Domesday landholder Robert I Malet. The most serious difficulty concerns the period 1087-1100. During this time his Honour of Eye is known to have been held by a powerful favourite of William Rufus, Roger the Poitevin, while he himself apparently completely disappeared from all English and Norman documents.

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A recent article suggests that lesbian activities of women in the medieval Arab world were far more common and open than is commonly believed, or would be considered acceptable in today’s Middle East. In the article, “Medieval Arab Lesbians and Lesbian-Like Women,” Sahar Amer describes the large amount of material related to this topic, as well as the difficulty in accessing some of these records.

Amer, a professor of of Asian and International Studies at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, explains that the topic of lesbianism is described in various medical texts dating back as far as the 9th century, a condition they explain is innate and lifelong. The reason why some women are lesbians was also written about – a 9th century physician named Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, believed that “lesbianism results when a nursing woman eats celery, rocket, melilot leaves and the flowers of a bitter orange tree. When she eats these plants and suckles her child, they will affect the labia of her suckling and generate an itch which the suckling will carry through her future life.”

Arab literature also has several examples of women were involved in same-sex relationships – a catalog from the late 10th century names twelve books which seem to be about two women. One of the more popular stories was that of Hind Bint al-Nu`man, the Christian daughter of the last Lakhmid king of Hira in the seventh century, and Hind Bint al-Khuss al-Iyadiyyah from Yamama in Arabia, known as al-Zarqa’, who were praised by poets and writers for their devotion to each other.

Also, Arabic texts related to eroticism also mention lesbian women. The thirteenth-century Tunisian writer Shihab al-Din Ahmad al-Tifashi describes the local lesbian community, and how these women taught each other various practices. Amer uses this evidence to explain, “Arab lesbians were both named and visible in medieval Arabic literature. Moreover, and in contrast to their status in the medieval West in the same period, for example, Arab lesbians were not considered guilty of a “silent sin,” and there is no clear evidence that their “crime” was punished by death. In fact, lesbianism in the medieval Islamicate literary world was a topic deemed worthy of discussion and a lifestyle worthy of emulation.”

Amer also notes that Islamic legal texts have very little to say about same-sex relations and practices between women, and that perhaps it was considered an acceptable alternative for women in avoiding sex with other men outside of marriage. For example, a 14th century Arab writer, explains, “Know that lesbianism insures against social disgrace…”

The author does point out that “we must not rush to equate the medieval Arabic Islamicate notions of female-female sexuality with modern Western notions of lesbianism and sexual identity, for the very categories of heterosexuality and homosexuality are modern Western concepts, as many scholars have demonstrated, and do not have parallels in the medieval Arabic tradition.” But her research does suggest that scholars should reconsider some of their notions about the social history of the Islamic world during the Middle Ages.

The author also writes about some of the challenges of doing research in this field. Although various writings about sexuality and eroticism were popular in the medieval Arab world, Amer found it difficult to access these texts today. She notes how she had to have a male friend secretly buy a copy of a printed edition of a work called the Encyclopedia of Pleasure from a Cairo bookseller, and that publishers had gone to great lengths to avoid running afoul of government censors, including putting the image of a large red tree on each page.

Sahar Amer’s article, “Medieval Arab Lesbians and Lesbian-Like Women,” appears in the Journal of the History of Sexuality, Volume 18:2 (2009). She has also recently published the book Crossing Borders: Love Between Women in Medieval French and Arabic Literatures.

Loving Friends: Surviving Widowhood in Late Medieval Westminster

By Katherine L. French

Gender and History, Vol.22:1 (2010)

Abstract: Although medieval moralists routinely warned against women socialising with either men or women, this article argues that friendships were instrumental in helping women survive widowhood. In medieval Europe, widowhood was frequently a time of vulnerability and poverty. Unscrupulous businessmen and other opportunists often preyed upon widows. Looking at the different ways men and women in Westminster made their wills and analysing those chosen to administer them reveals that widows frequently turned to the husbands of their friends to execute their wills and oversee their estates.

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The Law as a Weapon in Marital Disputes: Evidence from the Late Medieval Court of Chancery, 1424–1529

By Sara Butler

Journal of British Studies, Vol. 43 (2004)

Introduction: When Isabelle, widow of Richard Vergeons, commissioned the writing of a bill of complaint to Chancery at the end of the fifteenth century, she was clearly at the end of her tether. Six months before the writing of the petition, the wife of Thomas Hyll, a wire monger of London, approached the petitioner’s husband, begging for ‘‘secour and saufgarde of her lyf.’’ She was driven to this request only after ‘‘dyvers variantes and discordes betwene her and the seid Thomas her husbond and for grette fere and inpartye that the seid Thomas put to her of her lyf.’’ When Richard happened upon her she was being chased by Thomas, who was wielding a dagger. Seeing ‘‘the ungoodly and hasty disposition of the seid Thomas and the greate fere of his seid wife,’’ Richard decided to take matters into his own hands. He received Thomas’s wife into his home and then confronted Thomas about his actions, hoping to reason with him and convince him to treat his wife appropriately. This soon proved to be a fatal error.

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The Problem of Revenge in Medieval Literature: Beowulf, The Canterbury Tales, and Ljósvetninga Saga

By Ann Park Lanpher
PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto, 2010

Abstract: This dissertation considers the literary treatment of revenge in medieval England and Iceland. Vengeance and feud were an essential part of these cultures; far from the reckless, impulsive action that the word conjures up in modern minds, revenge was considered both a right and a duty and was legislated and regulated by social norms. It was an important tool for obtaining justice and protecting property, family, and reputation. Accordingly, many medieval literary works seem to accept revenge without question. Many, however, evince a great sensitivity to the ambiguities and paradoxes inherent in an act of revenge.

In my study, I consider three works that are emblematic of this responsiveness to and indeed, anxiety about revenge. Chapter one focuses on the Old English poem Beowulf; chapter two moves on to discuss Chaucer’s Reeve’s Tale and Tale of Melibee from the Canterbury Tales; and chapter three examines the Old Icelandic family saga, Ljósvetninga saga. I focus in particular on the treatment of the avenger in each work. The poet or author of each work acknowledges the perspective of the avenger by allowing him to express his motivations, desires, and justifications for revenge in direct speech.

Alongside this acknowledgement, however, is the author’s own reflection on the risks, rewards, and repercussions of the avenger’s intentions and actions. The resulting parallel but divergent narratives highlight the multiplicity of viewpoints found in any act of revenge or feud and reveal a fundamental ambivalence about the value, morality, and necessity of revenge. Each of the works I consider resists easy conclusions about revenge in its own context and remains incredibly current in the way it poses challenging questions about what constitutes injury, punishment, justice, and revenge in our own time.

Table of Contents

Introduction

Chapter One: Duty and Desire: Beowulf as Narrator and Avenger

Chapter Two: Victim or Villain: The Choice of the Avenger in The Reeve’s Tale and The Tale of Melibee

Chapter Three: Writing Wrongs: Author as Avenger in Ljósvetninga saga

Epilogue

Appendices

Bibliography

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Mishandled vessels: heaving drinks and hurling insults in medieval Welsh literature and law

By Michael Cichon

Canadian Journal of History, Vol.43:2 (2008)

Abstract: The mid-thirteenth-century Welsh legal codex NLW Latin ms Peniarth 28  is famous as much for its illustrations as its content, especially the picture of two men locked in a hair-pulling tussle.  Not surprisingly, the picture illustrates sarhaed, a term that means both insult and redress and which occurs repeatedly in medieval Welsh literature and law.

Welsh law treats many forms of insult, in many places, all of which require compensation. Welsh literature describes numerous actions that demand redress, some of which directly echo scenarios described in the laws. In effect, this depiction exemplifies aspects of feud that lie behind legal and literary descriptions of sarhaed.

The near identical participants suggest an equality of status, and seem to imply that “what goes around comes around”–each could just as easily be the victim or aggressor. Welsh Law contains commentary on social order, hierarchy and proper behaviour, and this is reflected in the Arthurian tales Peredur and Owein, which illustrate to some extent the principles behind the laws in action.

The laws, alongside the tales, shed light on the values of the society that produced that literature, and this helps elucidate how the tales make meaning. Taken together, all three examples–tales, law texts, and picture–point out the mentalite which lies behind the transaction of honour and power in medieval Welsh society.

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See also Peniarth 28: illustrations from a Welsh Lawbook

Broken cups, men’s wrath, and the neighbours’ revenge: the case of Thomas and Alice Dey of Alverthorpe (1383)

By Sharon Wright

Canadian Journal of History, Vol.43:2 (2008)

Abstract: Literature and sermons about wrath were attractive to medieval people because they mirrored and amplified life in satisfactory ways: villains were punished, insults were avenged, and honour was restored. Tales of wrath and vengeance often drew the medieval audience directly into the intimate relationships and the homes of the characters affected by wrath. A Dominican exemplum recounts how God punished gamblers for defaming his mother Mary within his own home (the temple).  The Welsh vengeance-quest of Peredur begins when a knight-errant enters Arthur’s home (the court) and assaults Arthur’s wife Queen Gwenhwyvar.  The Wakefield master allows his audience to view the domestic conflict of Noah and his Uxor as they fight fiercely and comically about the ark.

In reality, wrath in the medieval communal sphere was more banal than remarkable. Medieval English manorial court records are replete with unneighbourly ill will and feuding over seemingly trivial issues; a few pence owed here, a fence post stolen there. Despite the large number of cases in which blood was drawn between neighbours and villagers, few court cases were concerned with the forms of insult, violence, and wrath that took place within the homes of manorial tenants. This disparity between the domestic intimacy of literature and sermons and the realities of the local courts is curious. This article considers how one community’s intervention into the wrathful relations of a local family illustrates the complex intersections between beliefs about gender, wrath, and vengeance, and the barrier between domus and communitas.

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