Posts Tagged ‘Religious Life’

The West Shall Shake the East Awake: Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), A Jesuit in China

By Francesco Guardiani

Limina : Thresholds and borders ; proceedings of a St. Michael’s College symposium, eds. Guardiani F., Silano G. and Goering J. W. (Ottawa: Legas, 2005)

Abstract: The first Westerner to set foot in mainland China with the declared intention to change its millenary culture was a man of faith, not only a Christian faith, but a faith in the egalitarian, democratic principles of modernity, inspired by the Gutenberg revolution. The rather cryptic, prophetic quote from Joyce appears well apt to describe the epic adventure of Matteo Ricci in China as the very beginning of a process of cultural globalization in which we are still immersed today.

Introduction: Behind every paper there is a story, and this paper is no exception. However, it is exceptional and no doubt surprising for the colleagues who know me, and know of my interest in Petrarch, the Baroque, and love poetry in general, that I should become interested in the works of a Jesuit priest, a missionary who arrived in China in 1583 and died there twenty-eight years later. This paper should clarify the whys and hows of this interest of mine, but its main purpose here is a personal challenge. Will I be able to communicate the admiration that I have for Matteo Ricci and his works? Will I be able to show how profoundly inspiring his life and writings can still be today for the great humanistic and humanitarian generosity of his mind and soul? This is the challenge that I have in front of me today.

Let me say, at the outset, that after reading just a few passages of Ricci’s Commentaries and a few of his wonderful Letters, I was struck by the strong impression that he deserves to be acclaimed among the greatest writers and philosophers of his time. The end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries were turbulent times – times of accelerated cultural transformation all over Europe – times that were shared by Shakespeare and Francis Bacon in England, Campanella, Bruno, and Galileo in Italy, Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Góngora in Spain – in short, by the founding fathers of what we have come to call Modernity.

Matteo Ricci was born in 1552 in Macerata, in central Italy, and died in 1610 in Beijing, China. He is not usually found in annals of Italian literature, not even among the numerous “minor authors” of his time. The simple but problematic reason for his absence is in his being a Jesuit. He belonged to the religious world that, in the cultural historiogra-phy of an openly anti-clerical modern Italy (i.e. after the unification of 1861), was considered anti-Italian, anti-patriotic. This historiographic perspective has been variously criticized and modified, and certainly with the figure of Matteo Ricci, something more could be done to this effect. My intention, however, is not to focus on the poor critical fortune of this writer or his absence from the canon of Italian literature, but rather on the exceptional dimension of his cultural adventure which allows us to place him among the most innovative thinkers of his time.

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Chambers of Death

By Priscilla Royal

Publisher:Poisoned Pen Press, August 1, 2009

ISBN:9781590586419

When one of her company falls ill on a return journey to Tyndal, Prioress Eleanor accepts lodging at a nearby manor. Master Stevyns” wife is having an affair with the groom while a local widow acts more the lady of the manor than the lady herself. His eldest son and spouse are obsessed with sin and heaven while his youngest son, bound for the Church, unexpectedly returns with more interest in lute playing than the priesthood. It is no surprise when someone’’s throat is cut, but the sheriff does all he can to avoid offending the family rather than seeking the real killer. When he arrests a servant, she herself is stabbed before she can either prove innocence or be taken off for hanging. Will Eleanor discover the dark secrets that have led to this string of killings before the murderer strikes again?

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Troubador

By Mary Hoffman

Publisher:Bloomsbury USA, September 1, 2009

ISBN:9781599903675

A story of persecution and poetry, love and war set in 13th century Southern France. As crusaders sweep through the country, destroying all those who do not follow their religion, Bertrand risks his life to warn others of the invasion. As a troubadour, Bertrand can travel without suspicion from castle to castle, passing word about the coming danger. In the meantime Elinor, a young noblewoman, in love with Bertrand, leaves her comfortable home and family and becomes a troubadour herself. Danger encircles them both, as the rising tide of bloodshed threatens the fabric of the society in which they live.


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Inventing paganism in eighth-century Bavaria

By Jonathan Couser

Early Medieval Europe, Vol18:1 (2010)

Abstract: This article examines the hagiographies of Saints Emmeram and Corbinian and the synod of Neuching from eighth-century Bavaria. It argues that the references to pagan survivals in these texts are misleading, in the absence of other evidence of paganism in the region. Rather, since these texts were composed in a narrow window of time from 769–774, this anxiety reflects concerns aroused by pagan uprisings in neighbouring Carantania, which were only suppressed in 772. Thus, the texts’ authors ‘invented’ paganism in their own culture as their perceptions of the dividing lines between Christianity and paganism grew sharper.

Introduction: Our vision of the Christianization of medieval Europe has changed drastically over the last generation. It was once possible to see early medieval Germany as a land of virgin paganism, into which missionaries like Amandus, Willibrord and Boniface boldly brought an alien Christian gospel. This vision was framed in terms derived from the missionary movements of western Christendom in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Recent scholarship has made this image untenable. The work of Lutz von Padberg, for instance, has stressed the cultural similarities between Christian and non-Christian peoples of Europe, which made possible the incorporation of the latter into Christendom. Ian Wood’s study of the hagiographies of missionary figures, our main sources of information on Christianization, has shown the extent to which these accounts are literary constructions, used by Christians to discuss missionary agendas, rather than direct reflections of actual activities. Archaeology and careful analysis of the written sources have shown evidence of the presence of Christianity in many ‘mission fields’ long pre-dating the arrival of missionaries themselves. Personalities like Columbanus or Boniface, once presented as exemplary early medieval missionaries, now appear more like ‘reformers’ and ‘consolidators’ of existing Christian communities.

Early medieval Bavaria is a striking example of the shift from narratives of mission and conversion to those of reform and organization. Scholarly opinion up to the mid-twentieth century generally thought that Christianity virtually disappeared from the former Roman provinces of Rhaetia and Noricum in the sixth and seventh centuries. Post-war historians, however, particularly following the lead of Friedrich Prinz, moved toward seeing a strong continuity of Christianity in the area. Thus, Bavaria’s re-entry into European Christendom in the eighth century now seems like a process of reorganization and reform rather than of mission and conversion.

The continuity paradigm has carried the field, but it leaves a lingering question: what to make of those sources which older scholarship took as evidence of paganism? If there was no great mission converting the Bavarians to Christianity, why did Bavarian authors sometimes write as though there had been? These sources betray an anxiety on the part of the Bavarian Christian leadership of the eighth century that their people had been entangled in actual paganism in the recent past, and that some current practices might still be tainted by demonic influences. These texts do not, in fact, reflect memories of actual militant paganism in the region. Significantly, all of them were written within a narrow time frame, between 768 and 772. This article will argue that such sources indicate a shift in the mentalities of the Bavarian clergy, particularly expressed by Bishop Arbeo of Freising, as the clergy developed a missionary agenda and encountered setbacks in the pursuit of that agenda. These setbacks caused Arbeo and the other clergy to re-imagine their own past and thus to invent a pagan past for their own people.

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The Templar Knight: Book Two Of The Crusades Trilogy

By Jan Guillou

Publisher: Harper Collins, May 4, 2010

ISBN:9780061688577

The Knight Templar (Swedish: Tempelriddaren) is the second book in Jan Guillou’s The Knight Templar (Crusades trilogy) book series. This book follows the fictional character of Arn Magnusson as a Knight Templar in the kingdom of Jerusalem. The book starts in Arn’s 27th year and ends as he departs the holy lands.

At the age of 27, Arn is already a veteran in the Crusader army, when he faces the strangest experience a Knight Templar can have. While pursuing a band of saracen thieves, he comes across Saladin, the leader of the Muslim forces, and saves his life. They become close friends, but great enemies at the same time. During the conversation with Saladin, Arn learns and deduces that Saladin is preparing an attack on the Kingdom of Jerusalem from the south and brings this information back to Jerusalem. As Arn is the commander of the Templar fort at Gaza, he prepares to take the first blow of Saladins force, hoping to at least delay Saladin, so that Jerusalem maybe saved as the Kings army at the time is busied with a campaign in the far north. After a short siege Saladin spares the city, in part due to Saladins life being saved by Arn earlier, as he is going for a bigger prize, the city of Jerusalem…..


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The Rebel Princess

By Judith Koll Healey

Publisher: Harper Collins, June 22, 2009

ISBN: 9780061673566

Alaïs, the spirited and indomitable princess of France, returns for another thrilling adventure in this historically rich, mesmerizing sequel to The Canterbury Papers

When I settled back among the velvet cushions, the scenes from the cathedral replayed themselves before my unwilling eyes: the odd chalice, the way Constance looked at it, the interruption of Mass by the armed knights, the strange response of Chastellain to the king’s inquiry.A whisper within me matched the clap-clap of the horses’ hooves on the stones of the Paris road: There is more here; there is more here.

Paris, October 1207. There is nothing that Princess Alaïs of France wants more than to settle down with her lover, William of Caen, and to reveal to his ward, Francis, that she is his mother.

But intrigue is afoot in the palace: two monks have arrived from Rome on a mission to compel her brother, Philippe, the king, to help them battle a dangerous breakaway Christian sect in the south known as the Cathars. At the same time, Alaïs’s aunt, the dowager countess Constance of Toulouse, is causing trouble in court, and Etienne Chastellain, the king’s chief official, appears to be up to something more sinister than usual.

Tensions are pushed to the brink when the St. John Cup, a relic much prized by the Cathars, is stolen, and then young Francis goes missing. Frantic for his safety, Alaïs will risk life and limb to find the boy. Donning a disguise, the royal princess must outwit cunning enemies and make her way into unfamiliar territory to save her son, and perhaps even prevent her beloved France from a bloody holy war.

From the opulent halls of Paris to austere monasteries in the south of France, The Rebel Princess combines history and suspense in an unforgettabletale involving one of the most enigmatic and intriguing female figures in medieval history.

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The Road To Jerusalem: Book One Of The Crusades Trilogy

By Jan Guillou

Publisher: Harper Collins, April 14, 2009

ISBN: 9780061688539

For power. For passion. For glory. The epic story of the knights Templar.

Born in 1150 to a noble family in the Kingdom of Western Götaland, young Arn Magnusson is marked early on by a miraculous and fateful event. When the boy inexplicably recovers after falling from the parapet of his ancestral home, his mother finds herself beholden to a promise made in a moment of prayer. Arn, second-born son of Magnus Folkesson, will live his life in the service of God-sent from his family to do holy work and to prepare for a position in the priory.

At Varnhem monastery, Arn comes of age under the tutelage of Father Henri, a Cistercian monk devoted to his aristocratic pupil’s education. However, grammar, math, and logic are not the only lessons: Brother Guilbert, the monastery blacksmith and former Knight Templar, finds Arn adept at training of a very different kind. Observing the boy’s extraordinary talent with horse, sword, and bow, Father Henri, trusting in God’s will, sends his charge into the world to fulfill a destiny that lies beyond the cloister walls.

Returning home, Arn finds his monastic habits at odds with his clan’s old and tested ways. Yet his family soon discovers that Arn has learned more than poetry and farm work, and he proves himself useful at a time when he is needed most. The murder of a king has brought Western Götaland into a whirlwind of intrigue, and cunning lords from East and West are vying for power. And, when Arn meets the lovely Cecilia, he discovers this new and dangerous world holds other surprises too. Before he can claim her hand, however, the headstrong and naïve noble makes a fateful mistake that will wrench him from his love and send him to a foreign war-to the Holy Land to battle infidels for twenty years.

From the frozen landscapes of Northern Europe to the bloody battlefields of the Middle East, Arn will face brave knights, powerful queens, and treacherous kings. The first book in the international bestselling Crusades Trilogy, this thrilling epic of betrayal, faith, blood, and love sets “a Shakespearian quest for power” (Corriere della Sera, Italy) against the backdrop of the Holy Wars, witnessed through a vibrant, unorthodox lens.

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To Know Evil

By Stephen Gaspar

Publisher: Pemberley Press, October 1, 2009

ISBN: 9780977191390

The source of evil and the conflict between faith and knowledge are among the themes examined in this complex intellectual puzzle set in a medieval monastery. An Irish monk dies in a Benedictine abbey in northern Italy on the eve of the second millennium. When Brother Thomas of Worms attempts to investigate the murder, his abbot accuses him of inventing trouble to avoid his duty to God and assigns Thomas the chore of copying a Biblical text as penance. Neither copying nor humility comes easily to an intelligent man like Thomas, who struggles with his commitment to obey his abbot. While in the library, Thomas is drawn to a gnostic book that leads him to a discovery that threatens the very fabric of the Church. When more monks perish, Thomas’’s loyalty to the monastery and its rites is tested, and he risks expulsion as he seeks to uncover the link between the murders and the hidden codex that has shaken his faith.

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The Saxons within Carolingian Christendom: post-conquest identity in the translationes of Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius

By Eric Shuler

Journal of Medieval History, Vol.36:1 (2010)

Abstract: The Franks incorporated Saxony into the Carolingian empire through a long, brutal struggle coupled with forced conversion. When Saxons themselves began to write a few decades afterwards, they had to make sense of this history and of their role and identity in their contemporary Carolingian world. In contrast to the portrayal of Saxons in writers such as Einhard and Rudolf, three ninth-century Saxon accounts of relic translations — those of Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius — reinterpreted history to claim a place for the Saxons as a distinct group equal to the Franks within the populus Christianus under the Carolingian monarchs. As a key part of their literary strategies, these authors attempted to salvage from the story of their defeat and forced Christianisation an account of God’s sovereignty, native agency and virtue (especially fidelity) as a foundational element of Saxon identity. These texts prefigure the debates about post-conquest Saxon identity which would underlay the later and better-known Ottonian triumphal self-conceptions. Moreover, the concerns of these authors led them to remarkable hagiographical innovations in grappling with paganism, conversion, miracles, social class and faith.

Introduction: Charlemagne’s conquest and conversion of the Saxons was a protracted, bloody affair. Only 33 years of incessant warfare (772–804) subdued them and created a nominally Christian province. Reflecting on those events in his biography of the conqueror, Einhard wrote that the defeated Saxons ‘were joined to the Franks and made one people with them’. As Timothy Reuter observed, ‘it is not clear, incidentally, that the Saxons agreed. […] Tenth-century Saxon writers often also showed considerable hostility to the Franks.’ That is hardly surprising in light of the tenacious Saxon resistance, which resulted in massive forced deportations and draconian laws before the Franks succeeded in crushing or co-opting the Saxon leadership.

Debates concerning the status of Saxons and Franks began long before the tenth century. This article examines how, in comparison with non-Saxon sources like Rudolf of Fulda’s Translatio sancti Alexandri, the Saxon authors of the accounts of the translations of the relics of Saints Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius (written between 836 and 909) used history, theology and hagiographical topoi to balance their new Christianity and loyalty to the Carolingians with pride in their ancestry and political ambition. From the story of their defeat and forced Christianisation, these authors attempted to salvage ideas of God’s sovereignty, native agency and virtue (especially fidelity) as foundations for defining Saxon identity and to refute negative stereotypes. The areas which generated these translationes — Saxony’s relatively prosperous southern region bordering other Carolingian peoples — made questions of identity especially acute. The authors wrote not only to promote the relics but also to address contemporary concerns. By articulating a positive identity, they constructed narratives to help the Saxon elites navigate their role in the political calculus of the Carolingian rulers. These illustrated both possibilities for and limits to the Carolingian empire’s absorption of different ethnic groups. Moreover, the concerns of these authors led them to remarkable hagiographical innovations in grappling with paganism, conversion, miracles, social class and faith.

Scholarship has generally concentrated on Saxon self-conceptions during Charlemagne’s conquest or in the tenth century, but said little about the century in between. Before and during that conquest, the idea of a unified Saxon people was largely a fiction. Instead, regional groupings dominated within ‘Saxony’. Matthias Becher has suggested that Saxon identity began to acquire political force in the regnum Francorum et Saxonum of Louis the Younger (876–82), but this new process of ethnogenesis did not flower without royal and aristocratic interaction in the mid-tenth century (his primary interest). While the Saxons never emerged as an ethno-political power bloc before the Ottonians, nonetheless ideas about a group identity and its political implications were latent under Carolingian rule. The ninth-century Saxons laid the foundations for their descendants’ ideas, although, like them, I am concerned first with their contemporary setting.

Group identity within the Carolingian realm had to balance diverse regional loyalties with the benefits of imperial unity. The monarch, the triumphant Franks and Christianity all offered possible centres for that unity. The Frankish annals, with their ‘unprecedented’ focus on the unstoppable Franks as a gens (tribe or people), created a narrative of how they ‘swallow up all other gentes who in due course become appendages to the Franks’. Some incorporated regions retained a local identity as, for example, Alemani, but on a supra-regional level identified themselves as Franks. Aquitaine and Italy retained a degree of autonomy and distinctive regional identities. As part of their efforts to resist absorption, the Bretons waged a campaign through hagiographical texts and history to construct a laudable, independent identity.

The conditions for debating Saxon identity emerged from Saxony’s conquest. The aristocracy, both native and new, began to establish bases of power throughout the area that transcended earlier regional divisions and so gradually helped make the new province a political reality. Mid-ninth century sources assumed the existence of a ‘Saxon’ people, descended from the earlier pagan Saxons, within this coalescing region, but debate centred on two points: what traits defined Saxon identity and what political dimensions ought Saxon identity to have in relation to the Franks?

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The custom of the English Church: parish church maintenance in England before 1300

By Carol Davidson Cragoe

Journal of Medieval History, Vol.36:1 (2010)

Abstract: A division of responsibility for parish church fabric and contents between rector and parishioners first appeared in English ecclesiastical legislation in the early thirteenth century and was to remain in place until the mid-nineteenth century. It is often suggested that this responsibility was forced onto parishioners by a clergy keen to limit their own financial liability and that this marks the point at which parishioners first become involved in their local churches. This article looks at the development of these statutes from their origins in the Anglo-Saxon period through to their full realisation in the later thirteenth century. It argues that there were many among the thirteenth-century ecclesiastical hierarchy who were opposed to this change, and that far from being forced on parishioners, allowing parishioners to take responsibility for part of the church was a pragmatic solution to problems brought about by changes to both parishes and parish churches.

Introduction: In his 1224 statutes for Winchester diocese, Bishop Peter des Roches set out arrangements for maintaining the parish churches. These statutes required that

If a rector of any church is unwilling to repair the chancel, our officials are to repair it without delay out of the goods of the church. The same is to be done in churches where the books or vestments are deficient, if the rectors, having been reminded, do not wish to provide for such things. The parishioners are to be compelled to repair the body of the church according to what they hold.

The system of church maintenance envisioned by des Roches in the 1224 Winchester statutes would become common in the later middle ages, but at the time his division of responsibility for church care between rector and parishioners represented a significant break with past English custom. Late tenth- and early eleventh-century Anglo-Saxon laws had given the clergy responsibility for maintaining the entire church, and it is likely that this was also the practice in the earlier Anglo-Saxon period. Between the Conquest and the early thirteenth century, Anglo-Norman ecclesiastical legislation did not mention any other system for paying for church maintenance, implying continuity with the Anglo-Saxon arrangements. Thus, des Roches’ statutes were something entirely new and different. By the mid-thirteenth century the division of responsibility between rector and parishioners was described by Bishop Robert Bingham of Salisbury as ‘the custom of the English church’, but, as this article will argue, that was as much wishful thinking as a statement of universal custom at the time. Nonetheless, the division was strongly expressed in late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century statutes, and in Lyndwood’s Provinciale of the fifteenth century, and firmly established thereafter. Responsibility for church maintenance was shared between the rector and the parishioners until 1923, when responsibility for the chancel also passed to parishioners. This completed, almost exactly 700 years after Peter des Roches’ statutes, the transition from the full clerical responsibility for church buildings of the Anglo-Saxon laws to a new system in which full responsibility for parish church fabric rested with the parishioners.

The introduction of this division of liability for church maintenance is often seen as a turning point in the history of the English church, and in particular in the spiritual and communal lives of English parishioners. It has been argued that the division of liability for church fabric was introduced by clergy keen to diminish their own financial responsibilities by making parishioners shoulder part of the burden, and that through the imposed requirement to care for the church, parishioners were forced to become more pious and church-focused individuals. For instance, Emma Mason suggested in an oft-cited article that ‘humble villagers […] were now compelled to contribute towards church fabric’, leading to ‘a real improvement in the personal dignity of the parishioner […] and a parallel increase in his assuming real responsibility for the life of his local church.’ Similarly, Eamon Duffy argued that ‘what was imposed on the laity as their collective responsibility became the focus for their corporate awareness’, and that these responsibilities ‘helped create the distinctive forms and institutions of lay religion’.

Despite their presumed importance, and despite the extent to which they apparently changed earlier arrangements, how and why the thirteenth-century statutes developed has never been properly explored. Anglo-Saxon church dues have been examined in considerable detail in recent years, and churchwardens’ accounts and other rich seams of late medieval documentary evidence like wills have been mined for studies of how parishioners raised and administered funds for church fabric in the later middle ages. Where scholars have looked at the intervening period, however, they have largely been concerned with looking for evidence for early lay involvement in the parish and not in exploring how these requirements came into being in the first place.10 This article is intended to fill that gap by tracing the development of provisions for fabric maintenance from the Anglo-Saxon period through to their full realisation in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. It will be argued that the statutes were as much a response to lay involvement in the parish, notably through the patronage of both buildings and fittings, as they were a cause of this involvement. Far from being imposed upon by a clergy desperate to reduce their own burdens, parishioners were only grudgingly allowed to take responsibility for nave fabric and for church ornaments as a pragmatic response to a series of changes that had placed existing systems for church maintenance under intolerable strain.

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