Posts Tagged ‘Military History’

Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century

By Justine Firnhaber-Baker

Journal of Medieval History, Vol.36:1 (2010)

Abstract: Despite the many studies devoted to medieval military history, most work has concentrated on royal wars, neglecting the petty seigneurial wars that made up most of the large-scale, organised violence of the middle ages. This article, based on judicial records for dozens of seigneurial wars waged in fourteenth-century southern France, shows that lords’ tactics were not keeping up with those of royal commanders. Although royal wars increasingly involved large numbers of foot soldiers, large siege engines, and artillery, local lords’ bureaucratic and financial limitations restricted their adoption of new techniques. As had been the case for centuries, most lords’ wars were focused on causing economic damage and affective trauma through raiding. After the first phase of the Hundred Years War, local lords began to employ significant numbers of mercenaries, allowing them to wage war more frequently and perhaps making their wars more violent, a development which partly reflects the economic pressures of the period.

Introduction: The mechanics and strategies of medieval warfare have been the subject of study for two centuries or more, but nearly all work has concentrated on the wars of great princes and kings. The Hundred Years War, for example, has generated exemplary studies like Philippe Contamine’s Guerre, État, et société à la fin du moyen âge and the essays edited by Anne Curry and Michael Hughes in Arms, armies, and fortifications in the Hundred Years War. Yet, most of the large-scale, organised violence that took place in the middle ages did not happen under a royal or national aegis, but was instead committed by lords in the innumerable ‘private wars’ that they fought against one another. As Contamine himself observed, we know almost nothing about how these wars were waged. The lack of information about such local conflicts has left scholars simply to assume that they were like royal wars but on a smaller scale. This may have in fact been true for much of the middle ages, especially on the continent after ad 1000, when many lords were quasi-independent, as their bureaucratic, financial, and diplomatic needs and capabilities differed little from those of the atrophied monarchies. By the fourteenth century, though, the paths of lords and kings had begun to diverge as the latter gained complex administrative and fiscal capabilities.

A regional study of southern France based on about 500 documents from court cases involving seigneurial war gives valuable insight into the mechanics of this widespread practice and the relationship of its methods to those of royal warfare. These records — drawn mostly from the royal court known as the Parlement of Paris and lettres de rémission (royal letters of pardon) — show that southern lords waged somewhere been 59 and 72 wars between 1300 and 1400. The sources usually use the same word for seigneurial wars that they do for royal wars: guerrae. These wars, fought by the hereditary nobility, ecclesiastical lords, and even municipalities, generally arose over claims to lordship: conflicts over inheritance, over the possession of a castle, over the marriage of an heiress, over the right to execute justice or to collect taxes, and so forth. They were not ‘feuds’ in the sense of cyclical, vindicatory violence waged by kin groups, but rather political struggles pursued through military means. Vengeance entered the picture in that one had to preserve one’s rights and save face if attacked, and no doubt there was emotional satisfaction in defeating one’s opponent and getting one’s way. As I will discuss later in this article, the public performances of dominance and submission that warfare entailed were also a powerful impetus for violence. But the ultimate cause of these conflicts was not wounded honour or anger, but land, money, and power. In this they were similar to the wars of kings and princes, which had profoundly important affective dimensions but which were primarily fought over territorial and political claims.

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The Templar Knight: Book Two Of The Crusades Trilogy

By Jan Guillou

Publisher: Harper Collins, May 4, 2010

ISBN:9780061688577

The Knight Templar (Swedish: Tempelriddaren) is the second book in Jan Guillou’s The Knight Templar (Crusades trilogy) book series. This book follows the fictional character of Arn Magnusson as a Knight Templar in the kingdom of Jerusalem. The book starts in Arn’s 27th year and ends as he departs the holy lands.

At the age of 27, Arn is already a veteran in the Crusader army, when he faces the strangest experience a Knight Templar can have. While pursuing a band of saracen thieves, he comes across Saladin, the leader of the Muslim forces, and saves his life. They become close friends, but great enemies at the same time. During the conversation with Saladin, Arn learns and deduces that Saladin is preparing an attack on the Kingdom of Jerusalem from the south and brings this information back to Jerusalem. As Arn is the commander of the Templar fort at Gaza, he prepares to take the first blow of Saladins force, hoping to at least delay Saladin, so that Jerusalem maybe saved as the Kings army at the time is busied with a campaign in the far north. After a short siege Saladin spares the city, in part due to Saladins life being saved by Arn earlier, as he is going for a bigger prize, the city of Jerusalem…..


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The Road To Jerusalem: Book One Of The Crusades Trilogy

By Jan Guillou

Publisher: Harper Collins, April 14, 2009

ISBN: 9780061688539

For power. For passion. For glory. The epic story of the knights Templar.

Born in 1150 to a noble family in the Kingdom of Western Götaland, young Arn Magnusson is marked early on by a miraculous and fateful event. When the boy inexplicably recovers after falling from the parapet of his ancestral home, his mother finds herself beholden to a promise made in a moment of prayer. Arn, second-born son of Magnus Folkesson, will live his life in the service of God-sent from his family to do holy work and to prepare for a position in the priory.

At Varnhem monastery, Arn comes of age under the tutelage of Father Henri, a Cistercian monk devoted to his aristocratic pupil’s education. However, grammar, math, and logic are not the only lessons: Brother Guilbert, the monastery blacksmith and former Knight Templar, finds Arn adept at training of a very different kind. Observing the boy’s extraordinary talent with horse, sword, and bow, Father Henri, trusting in God’s will, sends his charge into the world to fulfill a destiny that lies beyond the cloister walls.

Returning home, Arn finds his monastic habits at odds with his clan’s old and tested ways. Yet his family soon discovers that Arn has learned more than poetry and farm work, and he proves himself useful at a time when he is needed most. The murder of a king has brought Western Götaland into a whirlwind of intrigue, and cunning lords from East and West are vying for power. And, when Arn meets the lovely Cecilia, he discovers this new and dangerous world holds other surprises too. Before he can claim her hand, however, the headstrong and naïve noble makes a fateful mistake that will wrench him from his love and send him to a foreign war-to the Holy Land to battle infidels for twenty years.

From the frozen landscapes of Northern Europe to the bloody battlefields of the Middle East, Arn will face brave knights, powerful queens, and treacherous kings. The first book in the international bestselling Crusades Trilogy, this thrilling epic of betrayal, faith, blood, and love sets “a Shakespearian quest for power” (Corriere della Sera, Italy) against the backdrop of the Holy Wars, witnessed through a vibrant, unorthodox lens.

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A translation and historical commentary on book one and book two of the Historia of Georgios Pachymeres

By Nathan John Cassidy

PhD Dissertation, University of Western Australia, 2004

Abstract: My focus has been twofold. On the one hand I have highlighted and elucidated the events which Pachymerēs narrates, glossing with prosopographical and topological notes the people, places and things mentioned in the text, and explaining other esoteric details, such as the range of many and varied, ornate Byzantine court honorifics. On the other hand I have made a critical comparison between Pachymerēs and the other important sources for the period, Greek, Western, and Eastern, to provide explanations for differences in the various narratives, to suggest which source is the more accurate for any given event, and to fill up the narrative ‘gaps’ of Gomme. While I have attempted to avoid turning the commentary into a narrative, I acknowledge that in some places I have not been completely successful in this aim. However, I believe that every divagation is justified by the arguments that I put forward.

I must stress that both by training and inclination I am an historian, not a philologist, so the commentary will be historical rather than philological. This is despite the importance Pachymerēs himself places in the clever use of language and his frequent use of allusions to and quotes from other works, Classical, Byzantine or biblical. The question of mimēsis, how much Pachymerēs is directly trying to imitate or incorporate older texts, has received limited attention, and only where Pachymerēs’ use of the earlier text is vital to the understanding of his own work. Similarly, questions of language, and the way in which Pachymerēs uses it, have not been explored except in those instances where it directly affects the historical point our author is making. Pachymerēs’ Historia is an important source for a pivotal period in Byzantine Imperial history, and many scholars have not used it as efficiently as they could due to the denseness of his prose and his “tortuous syntax”. While the situation is changing somewhat, especially through the ongoing research of Albert Failler of the Institut Francais d’etudes Byzantines, the Historia still contain many mysteries. It is hoped that this commentary can solve at least a few of these.

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An Entirely Masculine Activity’? Women and War in the High and Late Middle Ages Reconsidered

By James Michael Illston

MA Thesis, University of Canterbury, 2009

Abstract: The field of medieval gender studies is a growing one, and nowhere is this expansion more evident than the recent increase in studies which address the roles of medieval women in times of war. While this change in research has been invaluable in helping to reveal the many important wartime roles performed by medieval women, previous studies have been too narrowly focused. Scholars have examined particular aspects of women’s military activities without analysing the full extent and significance of their involvement, and their studies have focused geographically either on women in Western Europe or on women in the crusade movement without considering the relationship between these two areas.

This thesis bridges the geographic and analytical gap by looking longitudinally at the female military experience from the late-eleventh to the early-fifteenth century in Western European society (predominantly France and England), on crusade, and in the Holy Land. An examination of medieval legal, philosophical, and political debates and discussions provides theoretical understanding of contemporary attitudes toward women and their perceived roles in war. Subsequent chapters focus on how women functioned as military leaders, supporters of military activity, and victims of wartime violence. Perceptions of these women in the writings of contemporary chroniclers are also evaluated.

The disparity between theoretical attitudes toward women in war and the realities of medieval women’s military experiences is revealed through discussion of their extensive, though largely unstudied, participation in wars of the period. It is argued that historians must adopt a broader understanding and awareness of not only women’s ‘involvement’ in war, but also the importance of their contributions to medieval military history.

Introduction: Throughout history war has commonly been associated with the actions of men. From Ancient Rome to the Middle Ages and on into the modern world, in societies great and small, men were the ones who strategised and fought, who savoured victory and suffered defeat, who made tactical decisions and drove the whole process of war. Women, by contrast, were never so active. They were the ones who remained at home, tending to domestic concerns while awaiting the return of their loved ones and as such, were far removed from any significant military roles or responsibilities. Or were they? What if women did play a more significant part in military history than traditionally has been assumed? If so, why have they been ignored or overlooked? These questions must be asked of the historical evidence, irrespective of common assumptions, since they can help us ascertain the true nature of women’s place in military history. This thesis focuses on the High and Late Middle Ages and aims to show that in fact medieval women from Western Europe (predominantly the kingdoms of England and France), as well as women on crusade, and in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, did fulfil a variety of military roles and were an important part of medieval military history. It argues for a greater understanding of what constituted women’s ‘involvement’ in war and contends that the narrow conception of female militancy adopted by some historians has obscured the full significance of medieval women’s military contribution within Western European society and while on crusade.

The need for this study in the context of modern historical scholarship and the methodological outline of this thesis is detailed below. It is first necessary, however, to identify the study’s temporal limits and define the term ‘High and Late Middle Ages’. As with any broad label applied to historical periods, there is no clear consensus over when the so-called ‘High’ (sometimes called the ‘Central’) Middle Ages began and the ‘Late’ ended, nor indeed does there seem to be much agreement as to the duration of the ‘Middle Ages’ more generally. Historians might broadly consider the ‘High and Late Middle Ages’ to cover the years 1000 to 1500 A.D., but there will always be some degree of subjectivity in any decision over specific termini for when one period ended and another began. How are we then to define these terms for the purposes of the present work? Since the focus here is on women in war, it is logical to approach this question in terms of some significant event relating to female military history.

Accordingly, this thesis takes as a starting point the debate engendered by the career of Countess Matilda of Tuscany (1046-1115), one of the major militant female figures in the High Middle Ages. It is within the context of this debate about her career that we find the earliest theoretical arguments articulated in support of a woman’s military activity – specifically that of Matilda – in the High Middle Ages. Although the military career of Joan of Arc (c.1412-1431) may seem at first to be a logical terminus for this study, a more appropriate end point is the dual publication in 1405 of Christine de Pisan’s Book of the City of Ladies and of her Treasure of the City of Ladies. Not only did these works contain the first scholarly acknowledgement and defence of noblewomen’s military involvement in the Middle Ages, but also her arguments were applied to noblewomen in general, as opposed to the specific assertions made in support of Matilda’s military career. Here the term ‘noblewomen’ refers to women who belonged to the landowning class of society which was, broadly speaking, united by the profession of warfare. This progression from specific to general support of female military involvement provides an interesting theoretical framework in which to examine both medieval approaches to the question of women in war, as well as the actual roles they performed.

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The Vikings in the East : a Survey of Settlement, Trade and Military Activity c.700 – 1100

By D.A.F.  Adams

MA Thesis, University of Canterbury, 1988

Abstract: This thesis surveys three principal Scandinavian activities during the period from 700 to 1100 – those of settlement, trade and military activity – in the regions east of the Baltic Sea. As secondary sources debate the origin and ethnicity of the people known as the Rus mentioned by the primary literary sources and identified with Swedish Vikings, the philological arguments for the derivation of the name and the source material supporting the Scandinavian identity of the Rus are initially discussed.

In examining colonising activities, much attention has been paid to the archaeological evidence (supported by literary sources) indicating Scandinavian settlement in the region of North Russia. This is essentially an examination of burial sites and Norse burial practices and rituals. The tradition of the foundation of the first Russian State by Varangian warriors centred initially at Novgorod and shifting to Kiev in the ninth century is also discussed. The development of commerce from the pre-Viking period deals with trade-routes, wares and modes of travel. There is a division along the lines of trade with the Muslims and that with the Byzantines. To some extent, this is divided by the source material, numismatic evidence for Muslim commerce and literary for trade with the Byzantines.

My final chapter examines the Norse warrior tradition, their weapons and tactics. A discussion of the great raids on Constantinople and in the Caspian region based primarily on the written accounts of Byzantine and Muslim authors forms the basis of the last chapter. A brief account of the development of the Varangian Guard and some of the personalities associated with it completes that chapter. My overall conclusions then follow.

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Ammianus Marcellinus and Procopius of Caesarea : the eastern campaigns of Julian and Justinian, 4th and 6th centuries A.D

By Ian Kelso

MA Thesis, Dalhousie University, 1998

Abstract: Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian of the fourth century, and Procopius of Caesarea, in the sixth recorded their time in a way that left us two excellent accounts of eye witnesses. Ammianus’s Res Gestae record the actions of many, but none as well as those of the emperor Julian (361-363 AD). Especially Julian’s brief reign. More importantly his campaign against the Persians was recorded by Ammianus vividly, due to the fact that Ammianus was a staff officer in Julian’s headquarters. This gave him insight into the man and his methods and the ability to write a history that was of a higher quality than most. Ammianus’s classical education also assisted in his writing.

Procopius had a similar experience in his own time, but as a legal adviser on the staff of the leading general, Belisarius. Though he was not a soldier, he was well acquainted with soldiers and their ways. He was present at many of the major battles of the day, which gave him the knowledge he needed to write his works the Bella in 8 books(two on the Persian wars), the De AEdificiis and the Anecdota. All of these, when taken together, help to give a full picture of the people and events. He is the best historian for the emperor of the day, Justinian (527-565 AD), who had grand ideas of re-conquering the western half of the empire, but was delayed by wars against the Persians.

By using both of these historians it is hoped that the Persian campaigns of Julian and Justinian will be made clearer in the context of the emperors and their goals and flaws. The two historians will also be looked at to see what their abilities and skills were and where these skills originated. A source of their inspiration for writing their histories will be sought out as well.

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Pont-de-l’Arche or Pitres? A location and archaeomagnetic dating for Charles the Bald’s fortifications on the Seine

By Brian Dearden and Anthony Clark

Antiquity, Vol. 64 (1990)

Introduction: Charles the Bald (grandson of Charlemagne) ruled the West Franks from AD 843 to 877. During these years his kingdom took the brunt of the Danish Viking attacks, mainly concentrated on the Seine and Loire rivers, with Paris and Orleans as principal targets. Despite military successes by the Franks, the raids continued until the tactic was evolved of blocking the rivers by the use of fortifications. In 862 the defence of the Seine was undertaken over a number of years at a site near to Pitres. In 866 the Vikings left the Seine. The Loire was blocked a few years later by fortifications at Ponts-de-Ck, near Angers.

Documentary evidence for these river defences begins with the statement made in 862: Charles. . . made all the leaders of his kingdom meet at a place which is called Pistis [Pitres]. where on the one side the Andelle and 0n the other side the Eure flow together into the Seine. They came about the beginning of June with many workers and carts, constructing fortifications on the Seine blocking off the entry of ships going up or down the river on account of the Northmen.

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Procopius on Roman, Persian and Gothic Strategy near Dara and Rome

By Christopher Lillington-Martin

Lampeter Working Papers in Classics (2008)

Abstract: This paper reinterprets Procopius’ descriptions of opposing Roman, Persian and Gothic strategies near Dara in AD 530 and Rome in AD 537-8 by reconsidering evidence pertaining to the location of temporary army camp sites. The method consists of reconciling his text with the landscapes of the areas concerned by supplementing the analysis with information gained from satellite imagery, cartography and field visits. This is evaluated, with secondary sources in mind, to analyse the landscapes and associated events described by Procopius. The satellite images are available via Google Earth and date from September and October 2004. By reconsidering Procopius’ account, after visiting the landscapes he described, we gain additional insights and can therefore reinterpret strategy and events.

Introduction: Analyzing the landscape and reconciling it with the literary description provided by this eyewitness is particularly appropriate as Procopius himself, with Homer in mind, offered reconciliation between landscape and literature:

“…Taracina; and very near that place is Mt. Circaeum, where they say Odysseus met Circe, though the story seems to me untrustworthy, for Homer declares that the habitation of Circe was on an island. I am able to say… Mt. Circaeum, extending … far into the sea, … has every appearance of being an island… for this reason Homer perhaps called the place an island.” Wars, V.xi.

This paper is concerned with reconsidering the strategies which culminated in three conflicts: one of AD 530 on a site 20-24 km West-Northwest of Nisibis (modern Nusaybin, Turkey), just East of the Roman–Persian frontier in Northern Mesopotamia and two of AD 537-538 on a site 3.5 km North of the Aurelian Walls at Rome. The first conflict was connected to Justinian’s policy arguably intended to generate conditions for the initiation of the re-conquest of the West led, initially, by Belisarius in which in the latter two conflicts took place. Military fortifications were related to all three conflicts because Belisarius occupied such strategic sites as bases from which to direct field armies to oppose Persian and Gothic manoeuvres. The first conflict took place near Dara (modern Oğuz, Mardin, Turkey). Analysis of Procopius’ text will discuss measurements of distances and relative positions of temporary field fortifications linked to Dara and Ammodios (modern Amuda, Syria) 8 km to the south. The interrelated strategies, and those of central Italy, as related to the two conflicts near Rome will be re-evaluated.

Satellite imagery and field visit evidence will be discussed in relation to landscape features which probably related to the historical conflicts. The relationship between textual and material evidence can be problematical when using a source such as Procopius in a relatively literal way and comparing it to aerial photography or using satellite imagery. However, Poidebard used Procopius to identify at least one tower mentioned by him and analysis of satellite imagery has convincingly located a Roman fort 30 km east of Nisibis. Before discussing the reinterpretations of strategies, it is pertinent to offer some background and summarise how this methodology has already been deployed by me to argue for a more precise location of the battlefield of Dara, A.D. 530, which Procopius described as having had temporary fortifications constructed across it.

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The comital military retinue in the reign of Edward I

By Andrew Spencer

Historical Research, Vol.83:219 (2010)

Abstract: This article offers a detailed examination of the military retinues of the earls during Edward I’s wars in the twelve-nineties and early thirteen-hundreds. While work has been done on the English armies in the Hundred Years’ War, military retinues in Edward I’s reign, the first for which voluminous records survive, have been largely neglected. The article discusses the sources available, analyses the various ways in which the earls created their military followings and argues that continuity of service was much greater than has previously been imagined. Such findings have important implications both for studies of the nobility in the late thirteenth century and for work on military retinues in the Hundred Years’ War.

Introduction: From the outbreak of war with France in 1294 until Edward I’s death in July 1307, the English fought thirteen campaigns in Wales, Scotland, Gascony and Flanders. This contrasted with the first twenty-two years of the reign when just three campaigns took place, and meant that, to an unprecedented extent, a significant proportion of the most influential men in England were involved in regular military activity. Continual service in the king’s wars forced the magnates to recruit large numbers of men to serve with them more frequently than ever before. A bureaucratic change among the chancery clerks means that, for the first time, we are able to identify the names of many of those recruited by the magnates, and it provides us with the opportunity of forming a partial, if frustratingly incomplete, picture of how these military retinues were created.

In his early work, K. B. McFarlane had regarded the wars of Edward I as the key catalyst in the development of the indentured retainer, a view that he and others subsequently revised, coming instead to see retaining as something driven by lords’ need for peacetime service. Having shown that there was little connection between military retinues and peacetime affinities, later medieval historians have tended to focus on the activities of these peacetime or domestic baronial affinities, often within studies of particular counties or regions, and have not looked as much as they might have at the military retinues of the later Hundred Years’ War. Although much valuable work has been done on English armies in the fifteenth century, particularly by Anne Curry and Christopher Allmand, the inner workings of military retinues have not been thoroughly investigated.

The reasons for this general focus on domestic activity are not hard to find. The nature and volume of the evidence available to fourteenth- and fifteenth-century historians has allowed them to work with a broader sense of locality and with more expertise than the sources make possible for historians of the thirteenth century. The relative paucity of surviving private records from the thirteenth century compared to later periods forces historians to rely to a greater extent on government records and particularly on records relating to the military services provided by magnates and their followers. Consequently, for the reign of Edward I it is possible to piece together a better, if still only partial, picture of who formed the military retinues of the great lords of England than it is feasible to do for their peacetime followings. Given that the relationship between captain and retinue member has been described by Anne Curry as providing ‘the basic social and administrative structure of the army’, it will be useful to have a close insight into that relationship at the earliest point the sources allow – the wars of Edward I. The article will be based largely around the retinues of Edward I’s earls and particularly those of the earls of Lincoln, Lancaster and Warenne for whom the evidence is most plentiful.

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