Posts Tagged ‘France’

Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century

By Justine Firnhaber-Baker

Journal of Medieval History, Vol.36:1 (2010)

Abstract: Despite the many studies devoted to medieval military history, most work has concentrated on royal wars, neglecting the petty seigneurial wars that made up most of the large-scale, organised violence of the middle ages. This article, based on judicial records for dozens of seigneurial wars waged in fourteenth-century southern France, shows that lords’ tactics were not keeping up with those of royal commanders. Although royal wars increasingly involved large numbers of foot soldiers, large siege engines, and artillery, local lords’ bureaucratic and financial limitations restricted their adoption of new techniques. As had been the case for centuries, most lords’ wars were focused on causing economic damage and affective trauma through raiding. After the first phase of the Hundred Years War, local lords began to employ significant numbers of mercenaries, allowing them to wage war more frequently and perhaps making their wars more violent, a development which partly reflects the economic pressures of the period.

Introduction: The mechanics and strategies of medieval warfare have been the subject of study for two centuries or more, but nearly all work has concentrated on the wars of great princes and kings. The Hundred Years War, for example, has generated exemplary studies like Philippe Contamine’s Guerre, État, et société à la fin du moyen âge and the essays edited by Anne Curry and Michael Hughes in Arms, armies, and fortifications in the Hundred Years War. Yet, most of the large-scale, organised violence that took place in the middle ages did not happen under a royal or national aegis, but was instead committed by lords in the innumerable ‘private wars’ that they fought against one another. As Contamine himself observed, we know almost nothing about how these wars were waged. The lack of information about such local conflicts has left scholars simply to assume that they were like royal wars but on a smaller scale. This may have in fact been true for much of the middle ages, especially on the continent after ad 1000, when many lords were quasi-independent, as their bureaucratic, financial, and diplomatic needs and capabilities differed little from those of the atrophied monarchies. By the fourteenth century, though, the paths of lords and kings had begun to diverge as the latter gained complex administrative and fiscal capabilities.

A regional study of southern France based on about 500 documents from court cases involving seigneurial war gives valuable insight into the mechanics of this widespread practice and the relationship of its methods to those of royal warfare. These records — drawn mostly from the royal court known as the Parlement of Paris and lettres de rémission (royal letters of pardon) — show that southern lords waged somewhere been 59 and 72 wars between 1300 and 1400. The sources usually use the same word for seigneurial wars that they do for royal wars: guerrae. These wars, fought by the hereditary nobility, ecclesiastical lords, and even municipalities, generally arose over claims to lordship: conflicts over inheritance, over the possession of a castle, over the marriage of an heiress, over the right to execute justice or to collect taxes, and so forth. They were not ‘feuds’ in the sense of cyclical, vindicatory violence waged by kin groups, but rather political struggles pursued through military means. Vengeance entered the picture in that one had to preserve one’s rights and save face if attacked, and no doubt there was emotional satisfaction in defeating one’s opponent and getting one’s way. As I will discuss later in this article, the public performances of dominance and submission that warfare entailed were also a powerful impetus for violence. But the ultimate cause of these conflicts was not wounded honour or anger, but land, money, and power. In this they were similar to the wars of kings and princes, which had profoundly important affective dimensions but which were primarily fought over territorial and political claims.

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Preaching in thirteenth-century hospitals

By Adam J. Davis

Journal of Medieval History, Vol.36:1 (2010)

Abstract: This article uses thirteenth-century hospital sermons as a window into the moral and religious environment of these charitable institutions, large numbers of which were founded during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. What emerges from the reportationes of sermons preached in the hôtel-dieu of Paris and ad status sermons directed at hospitals’ personnel and inmates by Jacques de Vitry, Humbert of Romans and Guibert de Tournai is a spirituality that stressed the penitential (and potentially salvific) power of doing works of mercy (in the case of hospital workers) and bodily suffering (in the case of hospital inmates). The particular social context of hospital preaching is also evident in preachers’ anxieties about the quality of hospital administration. The sermons that were preached in thirteenth-century hospitals reflect the heightened value placed on caring for the sick and poor, a historical development more often associated with the later middle ages.

Introduction: During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, hundreds of hospitals for the sick, poor, and powerless were founded all over western Europe, creating a dense network of charitable institutions, part of what André Vauchez has called ‘une véritable révolution de la charité’. Medieval hospitals were often multifunctional institutions that housed travellers, the indigent, widows, the elderly, the disabled, and those suffering from a variety of different illnesses. Managed mostly by quasi-religious women and men, hospitals represented a religious and social commitment to helping the poor and sick through the creation of a new kind of social-welfare institution. While hospitals were founded, at least in part, in response to demographic growth, urbanisation, commercial expansion, and the monetisation of the economy, they were also tied to a renewed concern with the poor and sick among theologians and canonists, and a rise in lay spirituality.

Most of the scholarly literature on medieval hospitals has relied on a range of sources — such as charters, wills, statutes, and archaeological evidence — to reconstruct daily life inside hospitals and the charitable support they received. Although wills and charter donations provide strong evidence for a new charitable impulse in twelfth and thirteenth-century society, they do not explain the source for this charitable impulse, nor do they reveal much about the experience of hospital inmates. Why did the corporal works of mercy enumerated in Matthew 25:31–46 (feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, granting hospitality to strangers, clothing the naked, visiting the sick, and visiting prisoners) resonate with hospital donors and hospital workers? What motivated those who worked in hospitals to do so, and how did they view their mission? What administrative challenges did they face?

The sermons that were preached to inmates and workers inside hospitals, which scholars of medieval hospitals have tended to neglect, represent a valuable source for understanding the moral and religious environment inside hospitals. Preaching represented an important opportunity for moral and religious edification inside hospitals, and sermons illustrate the ways that preachers sought to exhort, commend, comfort, and correct hospital workers and the inmates they served. For the historian of medieval hospitals, moreover, sermons that were directed at hospital audiences serve as windows not only into the values, ideals, and assumptions of the preacher, but into the particular moral and religious environment of these institutions, showing the ways that the themes of a sermon both shaped and were shaped by the particular social context of the preaching.

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The Saint-Vaast Bible, politics and theology in eleventh-century Capetian France

By Diane J. Reilly

PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto, 1999

Abstract: Arras BM MS 559 (435) is a three-volume Bible of grand dimensions produced during the first half of the eleventh century at the monastery of Saint-Vaast, in the city of Arras in Northem France. It indudes an elaborate programme of twenty-four figural scenes illustrating many parts of the Old and New Testaments. There is no precedent for a work of this kind surviving from the earlier, Carolingian scriptorhm of Saint-Vaast, and no contemporary Bible from Northem Europe offers as complex a programme. This thesis is the first contextual study of the programme as a whole.

The Saint-Vaast Bible is the first of a series of Bibles produced in Northem France in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries within monasteries connected to the reform of Richard of Saint-Vanne. All of these Bibles lack the Gospels and Psalter, and several indude evidence that they were created specifically for the newly revived pradice of choir and refedory reading in reformed monasteries. The Saint-Vaast Bible’s pictorid programme reflects another aspect of Richard of Saint-Vanne’s monastic reform, his willingness to submit his monasteries to the authority of the local bishop, through its depiction of a glorified bishop before the Book of Jeremiah.

Much of the Bible’s cycle of images parallels the writings associated with Bishop Gerard of Cambrai, particularly the Acta Synodi Atrebafensis and the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium. Both texts encapsulate Gerard’s belief in the divine origin of the offices of king and bishop. an ideology then under attack with the rise of feudalism. The artists of the Saint-Vaast Bible’s pictorial programme used the images of prototypical Old and New Testament leaders to visualize this belief by investing these figures with Christological attributes and anachronistic regalia.

The Arras Bible also indudes a series of images of Old Testament women who embodied the virtues of an idealized queen, according to Carolingian and contemporary Capetian beliefs. Using biblical women who were interpreted as types of Ecclesia in biblical exegesis and writings on queenship, the artists attempted to underline the appropriate duties of a queen as the wife of the king, himself a type of Christ.

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Troubador

By Mary Hoffman

Publisher:Bloomsbury USA, September 1, 2009

ISBN:9781599903675

A story of persecution and poetry, love and war set in 13th century Southern France. As crusaders sweep through the country, destroying all those who do not follow their religion, Bertrand risks his life to warn others of the invasion. As a troubadour, Bertrand can travel without suspicion from castle to castle, passing word about the coming danger. In the meantime Elinor, a young noblewoman, in love with Bertrand, leaves her comfortable home and family and becomes a troubadour herself. Danger encircles them both, as the rising tide of bloodshed threatens the fabric of the society in which they live.


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A Mirror for Princes? A Textual Study of Instructions for Rulers and Consorts in Three Old French Genres

By Erin Morgan

MA Thesis, University of Canterbury, 2008

Abstract: This study focuses on the literary subgenre of Mirrors for Princes. A number of twelfth-century works from three genres of Old French literature are examined in order to ascertain what forms any didacticism takes, and whether the texts can be read as Mirrors for Princes. The three genres studied are epic, romance and pseudo-historical chronicle. From epic, I discuss La Chanson de Roland, Le Voyage de Charlemagne, La Chançun de Willame and Le Couronnement de Louis. Chrétien de Troyes forms the study of Mirrors for Princes in romance, and for pseudo-historical chronicle I examine Wace’s Roman de Brut.

The didacticism present in the studied texts assumes two forms. The first is direct didacticism, in which the narrator or a character portrays an instruction or moral lesson through “speech”. This gives extra emphasis to the message, whether addressed directly to the audience or to another character within the narrative. The second form is indirect didacticism, which is more common in these texts. It consists of exemplary characters, their actions, behaviour and reputations. The Mirrors for Princes aspects of these texts provide not only examples of successful kings, but also of excellent vassals and queens. The mirrors for the women involve virtuous characteristics, where they fulfil their wifely and noble duties. They are addressed to regents and queens consort more so than to queens regnant, who were uncommon figures in the twelfth century.

As well as providing examples and lessons on what is optimal behaviour for the ruling class, there are characters who supply examples of behaviour that is to be avoided. With these ignoble characters, common methods of transmitting the didactic messages are through their lasting reputation, the consequences of their actions, or the nature of their deaths.

The study concludes that the examined texts can be read as Mirrors for Princes, despite most of them not being originally conceived as belonging to this subgenre. Lessons for vassals, noblemen and noblewomen, queens and kings are present to varying extents throughout these works using both forms of didacticism outlined above.

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Pont-de-l’Arche or Pitres? A location and archaeomagnetic dating for Charles the Bald’s fortifications on the Seine

By Brian Dearden and Anthony Clark

Antiquity, Vol. 64 (1990)

Introduction: Charles the Bald (grandson of Charlemagne) ruled the West Franks from AD 843 to 877. During these years his kingdom took the brunt of the Danish Viking attacks, mainly concentrated on the Seine and Loire rivers, with Paris and Orleans as principal targets. Despite military successes by the Franks, the raids continued until the tactic was evolved of blocking the rivers by the use of fortifications. In 862 the defence of the Seine was undertaken over a number of years at a site near to Pitres. In 866 the Vikings left the Seine. The Loire was blocked a few years later by fortifications at Ponts-de-Ck, near Angers.

Documentary evidence for these river defences begins with the statement made in 862: Charles. . . made all the leaders of his kingdom meet at a place which is called Pistis [Pitres]. where on the one side the Andelle and 0n the other side the Eure flow together into the Seine. They came about the beginning of June with many workers and carts, constructing fortifications on the Seine blocking off the entry of ships going up or down the river on account of the Northmen.

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The Bayeux Tapestry: a stripped narrative for their eyes and ears

By Richard Brilliant

Word and Image, Vol.7, (1991)

Abstract: The Bayeux Tapestry, a masterpiece of medieval narrative art, tells the highly politicized story of the contested accession to the English crow, held by Edward the Confessor. The historical narrative begins in 1064, while Edward was still king, and ends in 1066, when Harold, formerly the Earl of Wessex and the domestic claimant, lost his life and the crown to the foreigner, William, Duke of Normandy, at the Battle of Hastings.

There is some scholarly agreement that the Tapestry was made in England not long after 1066, possibly at Canterbury, and even more that the work was done at the behest of Norman patrons, perhaps even for Odo, William’s half-brother, and artfully composed to present the Norman side of the story. Yet, there is very little agreement over how the Tapestry was originally displayed, although a secular rather than ecclesiastical environment seems likely. Almost no attention has been paid to the way this magnificent artwork was seen by Normans, or English, or both.

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Hirelings and Shepherds: Archbishop Berenguer of Narbonne (1191-1211) and the Ideal Bishop

By Elaine Graham-Leigh

The English Historical Review, Vol. 116, No. 469 (2001)

Introduction: It is for his occupation of the see of Narbonne that Archbishop Berenguer (1191-1211) is best known to historians. Narbonne in the twelfth century was one of the richest cities in Languedoc, and was the seat of an archbishop whose province stretched from the Garonne at Toulouse to the Rhone. By the end of the century, the growth of the Cathar heresy in much of this area had become a serious problem, with only the most eastern parts of the province remaining unaffected. The diocese of Narbonne itself has acquired a historiographical reputation as being less heretical than its neighbours, but given his overall responsibility for the most heretical parts of Languedoc, it is perhaps unsurprising that Berenguer has become notorious as the worst of the failing prelates of Languedoc, unable or unwilling to deal with the threat posed by Catharism in his diocese.

This is not, however, the only possible view of the Archbishop: Berenguer’s election to Narbonne was the culmination of a long and successful ecclesiastical career. The illegitimate son of Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona (1131-62), Berenguer became Abbot of the Aragonese abbey of Montearagon in 1170. He was elected Bishop of Lerida in 1177 and was given permission to retain his abbacy alongside his episcopal appointment, a permission which was renewed on his election to Narbonne in 1191. He was succeeded as Archbishop of Narbonne by Arnauld Arnaury, Abbot of Citeaux (1200-12, in 1212. Athough Berenguer’s record in Narbonne is seldom considered in the light of his Spanish appointments, it is nevertheless through a consideration of the Archbishop’s entire career that his behaviour in Narbonne is best understood.

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The Fruit of Her Hands: The Story of Shira of Ashkenaz

By Michelle Cameron

Simon & Schuster, September 8, 2009

ISBN: 9781439118221

Raised by her widowed rabbi father and a Christian nursemaid in Normandy, Shira is a free-spirited, inquisitive girl whose love of learning shocks the community. But in Meir ben Baruch, a brilliant scholar, she finds her soul mate and a window on the world of Talmudic scholarship that fascinates her.

Married to Meir in Paris, Shira blossoms as a wife and mother, savoring the intellectual and social challenges that come with being the wife of a prominent scholar. After every copy of the Talmud in Paris is confiscated and burned, Shira and her family seek refuge in Germany. Yet even there they experience bloody pogroms and intensifying hatred. As Shira weathers heartbreak and works to find a middle ground between two warring religions, she shows her children and grandchildren how to embrace the joys of life, both secular and religious.

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Click here to read a review of The Fruit of Her Hands by Reading the Past

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Click here to read an interview with Michelle Cameron by Writer’s Daily Grind



The Image of the Jongleur in Northern France Around 1200

By John W. Baldwin

Speculum, Vol. 72, No. 3. (1997)

Introduction: In the pages of the Latin chroniclers writing around 1200 the jongleur appears as a gray, furtive shadow. His existence was acknowledged by the broad term joculator, but his functions were too suspect to deserve further comment. The clerical chroniclers associated jongleurs with other lay activities, such as making love, admiring feminine beauty, holding festivities, and fighting in tournaments, about which the less said, the better. In contemporary vernacular literature, however, the jongleur’s image springs into sharp focus and takes on vivid colors.

In the Roman de la rose of Jean Renart, for example, jongleurs swarm everywhere, at spring hunts, in courts and castles, at tournaments, and during the celebrations of marriages and coronations. From these crowds Jean treats his audience to a portrait of a single jongleur who bears the eponym Juglet:

He was intelligent and of great renown,
having heard and learned
many songs and many a fine story.

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